INTRODUCTION. The discovery of North-America and New-England. Captain Smith's discovery. The country is named New-England. New-Plymouth settled. The great patent of New-England, and patent of Massachusetts. The settlement of Salem, Charlestown, Boston, and other towns in Massachusetts. Mr.Warham, Mr. Phillips and Mr. Hooker, with others of the first planters of Connecticut, arrive and make settlements at Dorchester, Watertown, and Newtowni Their churches are formed and they are ordained.

CHAPTER II.

The patent of Connecticut.- The situation, extent, boundaries and area of the settled part of the colony. The discovery of Connecticut river j a description of it, and the signification of its name. The colony derives its name from the river. Description of other rivers. Plymouth and Dutch houses. Prospects of trade upon the river.

CHAPTER III,

The state of the country of Connecticut when the setttement of the colony began. Its trees and fruits. Its animals. Number, situation, genius, manners, arms, utensils and wars of the Indians.

CHAPTER IV.

The people at Dorchester, Watertown, and Newtowfl, finding themselves straightened in the Massachusetts, determine to remove to Connecticut. Debates in Massachusetts relative to their removal. The general court at first prohibited it, but afterwards gave its consent. The people removed and settled the towns of Windsor, Hartford and WcathprsfiekL Hardships and losses of the first winters.

Vol. i. B

CHAPTER V.

The war with the Pequots. The origin of it. The murder of Captain Stone and Norton, of Mr. Oldham and others. Mr. Endicot's expedition against them.

The Pequots kill a number of the garrison at the mouth of the river, and besiege the fort. Captain Mason is sent down from Connecticut with a reinforcement. The enemy make a descent
on Weathersfield, torture and mock the English. The court at Connecticut declares war against them. Captain- Mason takes Mistic fort. sassacus destroys his royal fortress and flees to the. westward. A second expedition is undertaken against the Pequots conjointly, by Massachusetts anil Connecticut. The great swamp fight. The Pequot subdued. Sasbacus flying to the Mohawks was beheaded. The captivated and surviving Pequots, after the war, were given to the Moheagans and Narraganssts, and their name extinguished.

CHAPTER VI.

Effects of the war. Great scarcity in Connecticut, and means taken to relieve the necessities of the people. Settlement of New-Haven. Plantation covenant. Means for the defence of the colony. Captain Mason made major general. Civil constitution of Connecticut, formed by voluntary compact. First general election at Connecticut. Governors and magistrates. General rights of the people, and principal laws of the colony. Constitution and laws of New-Haven. Purchase and settlement of several towns in Connecticut and New-Haven.

CHAPTER VII.

The progress of purchase, settlement, and law in the colonies of Connec ticut and New-Haven. The effect of the conquest of the Pequots on
the natives, and the manner in which they were treated. Purchases of them. Towns settled. Divisions at Weathersfield occasion the settle-
ment of Stamford. Troubles with the Dutch and Indians. Capital laws of Connecticut. The confederation of the united colonies. Further troubles with the Indians. Victory of Uncas over the Narragan-
sets, and capture of their sachem. The advice of the commissioner* respecting Miantonimoh. His execution. Precautions of the colonies to prevent war. The Dutch, harassed by an Indian war, apply to New
Haven for assistance.

CHAPTER VIII.

Public fasts appointed. Indians continue hostile, and commit murder. Acts of the commissioners respecting them. Branford settled. Towns in Connecticut. Message of the commissioners to the Narragansets.
Their agreement respecting Uncas. Long-Island Indians taken under the protection of the United colonies. Massachusetts claim part of the Pequot country and Waranoke. Determination of the commis-
sioners respecting said claim. Agreement with Mr. Fenwick relative to Saybrook fort and the adjacent country. Fortifications advanced. Extraordinary meeting of the commissioners to suppress the outrages
of the Narragansets. War proclaimed and troops sent against them. They treat and prevent war. Fairficld object to a jury of six. Controversy with the Dutch. The Indians plot against the life of governor Hopkins and other principal gentlemen at Hartford. Damages at Windsor. Battle between the Dutch and Indians. Losses of NewHaven. Dispute with Massachusetts relative to the impost at Say-
brook. Mr. Winthrop's claim of the Nehantic country. Settlement of accounts between the colonies.

CHAPTER IX.

Settlement of New-London. Salaries first granted to civil officers. Troubles with the Narraganset Indians. Rhode-Island petitions to be united with the colonies in confederation. The Massachusetts resume
the affair of the impost. Mr. Westerhouse complains of the seizure of his vessel by the Dutch, in the harbour of New-Haven. Murders committed by the Indians ;—resolutions respecting the murderers. Body
of laws compiled. Debates relative to the settlement of Delaware. The Pequots revolt from Uncas, and petition the English. Resolution respecting them. Mr. Westerhouse petitions to make reprisals from the Dutch. Letter to the Dutch governor. Further altercation respecting the impost. Final issue of that affair. The conduct of the Massachusetts upon its decision, and the declaration of the commissioners respecting it. Their treatment of Connecticut respecting the line between the colonies. The court at Connecticut determine to avenge the death of John Wbitmore, and detach men to take the murderer.

CHAPTER X.

Court of election at Hartford. Grants to captain Mason. The commissioners meet and dispatch captain Atherton to the Narragansets. Their message to Ninigrate. The Dutch Governor arrives at Hartford, and refers the differences between him and the colonies to arbitrators. Their determination, and the line is fixed between the English and Dutch plantations. Agreements with Mr. Fenwick occasion general uneasiness. Committees are appointed to explain and ascertain them. Towns are invited to attend the committees, by their deputies, at Saybrook. An act for the encouragement of Mr. Winthrop in seeking and improving mines. Norwalk and Mattabeseck settled and made towns. The colony of New-Haven makes another attempt to settle at Delaware. The Dutch Governor seizes the company and frustrates the design. He pursues his former line of conduct towards the colonies. The resolutions of the commissioners relative to his conduct, to the settlement of Delaware, and the tribute to be paid by the Pequots. French commissioners from Canada. Their proposals. Reply to them. The Dutch governor and Indiana concert a plan to extirpate the colonies. The commissioners meet, and dispatch agents to the Dutch governor. They determine upon war, unless he should manifest his innocence, and redress the grievances of the colonies. They determine on the number of me.i to be raised, and draw a declaration of the reasons of the war. The agents return unsuccessful. The commissioners meet again, and determine to make war upon the Dutch and Narraganset Indians. The general court of Massachusetts refuses to raise men, and prevents the war. Altercations between that general court and the commissioners, and between that and the general courts of Connecticut and New-Haven. The alarm and distress of the plantations in these colonies. Their general courts protest against the court of Massachusetts, as violaters of the articles of con-
federation ; and write to Cromwell and the parliament for assistance. The tumultuous state of the inhabitants in several of the towns.

CHAPTER XI.

The death and character of Governor Haynes. The freemen of Connecticut meet and appoint a moderator. Mr. Ludlow removes to Virginia. The spirited conduct of the people at Milford, in recovering Manning's vessel. The freemen add to the fundamental articles, Fleet arrives at Boston for the reduction of the Dutch. The colonies agree to raise men to assist the armament from England. Peace presents the expedition. The general court at New-Haven, charge the Massachusetts with a breach of the confederation. They refuse to join in a war against Ninigrate, and oblige Connecticut and New-Haven to

pro-side for the defence of themselves and their allies. Ninigrate continuing his hostile measures, the commissioners send messengers to him. His answer to them. They declare war, and send an army against him. The art of Massachusetts and the deceit of Major Willard, defeat the designed expedition, The number of rateable polls, and the amount of the list of Connecticut. The Pequots are taken under their protection. Ninigrate persisting in his hostilities against the Indians upon Long-Island, the general court adopt measures for the defence of the Indians and the English inhabitants there. New-Haven perfect and print
their laws. The answer of New-Haven to the protector's invitation that they would remove to Jamaica. Reply of the commissioners to the Dutch governor. Unpas embroils the country Deaths and characters of Governors Eaton and Hopkins. Settlement of Stonington. Mr. Winthrop chosen governor. The third fundamental article is al- tered by the freemen. Mr. Fitch and his church and people remove to Norwich. Final settlement of accounts with the heirs of Mr. Fenwick. Deputy governor Mason resigns the Moheagan lands to the colony.

CHAPTER XII.

The general court of Connecticut declare their loyalty and submission to the king ; determine to address his majesty, and apply for charter priv-
ileges. A petition to his majesty is prepared, and a letter addressed to lord Say and Seal. Governor Winthrop is appointed the colony's agent, to present their petition, and solicit a patent. Kegicides condemned' Whalley and Gofle arrive at Boston ; escape to New-Haven, and are kindly entertained, and kept from their pursuers. New Haven falls into great trouble and danger on that account. New-Haven excuse themselves ; decline sending an agent; but join with Mas-
sachusetts in supporting one. The king proclaimed. Governor Winthrop obtains the charter of Connecticut. First governor and council under the charter. Representation of the constitution it ordains, and the privileges it conveys. Difficulties of the colony of New-Haven. Governor Leet's address. Charter of Connecticut arrives. Proceedings of Connecticut in consequence of the charter. They extend their jurisdiction to all places within the jimits of their patent, and challenge New-Haven colony,'as under their jurisdiction. Controversy between the two colonies. Settlement of Killingworth. Patent of the duke of York. Colonel Nichols and commissioners arrive ; reduce all the Dutch settlements. Their extraordinary powers. Important crisis of
Connecticut. Answer to the propositions from his majesty, and reply to the duke of Hamilton's claim and petition. Boundaries between Connec-
ticut and New-York. Union of Connecticut and New-Haven.

CHAPTER XIII.

A View of the churches of Connecticut .and New-Haven, from their first settlement, until their union, in 1665. Their ministers. The character of the ministers and first planters. Their religious and political sentiments. Gathering of the churches of New-Haven and Milford. Installation of Mr. Davenport and Mr. Prudden. Church formed at Guilford. Number of ministers in Connecticut and New-Haven before the union. Proportion of ministers to the people, before, and at
the union. Harmony between the civil rulers and the clergy. Influence of the clergy, and the reasons of it. Their opposition to Antinomianism. Assisted in the compilation of Cambridge Platform. Ecclesiastical laws. Care to diffuse general knowledge: its happy influence. Attempts to found a college at New-Haven. No sectaries in Connecticut nor New-Haven, until after the union ; and for twenty years the churches generally enjoyed great peace. Deaths and characters of several oj. tbe first ministers. Great dissensions in the church at Hartford soon after Mr. Hooker's death. Dissensions and controversies in the colony and churches in general, relative to baptism, church-membership, and the rights of the brethren. A new generation arises, who had not all imbibed the spirit of their fathers. Grievances presented to the general court of Connecticut, on the account of the strictness of the churches, and that sober people were denied com-
munion with them, and baptism for their children. The court of Connecticut send to the other general courts for advice. Laws against the Quakers. Massachusetts and .Connecticut agree in appointing a synod at Boston. General court at New-Haven oppose the meeting of a synod, and decline sending their elders. ' Questions proposed tor discussion. The synod meet and answer them; but it had no good effect on the churches: they would not comply with their decisions. Dissensions continued at Hartford. Acts of the general court respecting them. Councils from Massachusetts. Difficulties in some measure..
composed. Divisions and animosities at Weathersfield. Act of |the genera! court respecting the church there. Mr. Russell and others remove from Weatnersfield and Hartford ar,d settle Hadley. Mr. Stow dismissed from the ministry at Middletown, by a committee of the general court. Synod at Boston. Its determination relative to baptism, and the consociation of churches. Division in the synod and in the churches relative to those points. The cpurt at Connecticut send no elders to the council, nor take any part in the controversy, until some time afterwards.

CHAPTER XIV.

.conduct of the king's commissioners. Counties and County Courts regulated. Governor Winthrop's estate freed from taxation. Towns settled. Controversy with Rhode-Island. The grounds of it. Courts appointed in the Narragansset country. Laws revised and printed. War with the Dutch. Claims and conduct of major Edmund Andross, governor of New-York. Protest against him. Conduct of capt. Thomas Bull. Proclamation respecting the insult received from major
Andross. Philip's war. Captains liutchinson and Lothrop surprised and slain. Treachery of the Springfield Indians. Hadley attacked by the enemy. The assembly make provision for the defence of Connecticut Expedition against the Narraganset Indians. The reasons of it. The great swamp fight. Loss of men. Courage exhibited and hardships endured. Captain Pierce and his party cut off. Nanunttenoo taken. Success of captains Denison and Avery. Captain Wadsworth and his party slain. Death and character of governor Winthrop. Success of Major Talcott. Attack upon Hadley. The enemy beaten and begin to scatter. They are pursued to Housatonick. Sachem of Ouabaug and Philip killed. Number of the enemy before the war. Their destruction. Loss of the colonies. Connecticut preserves its own towns and assists its neighbours.

CHAPTER XV.

adopted to discharge the public debt, and settle the country in peace. The reasons of the colony's claim to Narraganset. The former settlers and owners of land there apply to Connecticut for protection. Major Treat goes to the upper towns upon Connecticut river, to treat with the Indiana. Fasts appointed through New-England. Act concerning the conquered lands in Narraganset Navigation act grievous to the colonies. Governor Le>et takes the oath respecting trade
and navigation. Answers to queries from the lords of trade and plantations. Protest against Sir Edmund Andros’s claim to Fisher's Island. Character of governor Leet. Commissioners appointed by his majesty, to examine and make report concerning all claims to the Narraganset country, or king's province. They report in favour of Connecticut. Answers to the renewed claim of the duke of Hamilton, opinions on the case. Connecticut congratulate the arrival of colonel Dungan, governor of New-York, and agree with him respecting the boundary line between that colony and Connecticut. Petition to king James II. Settlement of Waterbury. Qno-warrantos against the colony. The assembly petition his majesty to continue their charter privileges. Sir Edmund Andross made governor of New-England. Arrives at Hartford: takes the government by order of his majesty. The oppression and cruelty of his administration. Distressed and sorrowful state of the people.

CHAPTER XVI.

Revolution in New-England. Connecticut resume their government. Address to king William. Troops raised for the defence of the eastern settlements in New-Hampshire and the province of Maine. French and Indian war. Scheneotady destroyed. Connecticut dispatch a reinforcement to Albany. Expedition against Canada. The land army retreats, and the enterprise proves unsuccessful. Leister's abuse of major-general Winthrop. The assembly of Connecticut approve the general's conduct. Thanks are returned to Mr. Mather, agent Whiting, and Mr. Purler. Opinions respecting the charter, and the legality of Connecticut's assuming their government. Windham settled. The Mohawk castles are surprised, and the country alarmed. Connecticut send troops to Albany. Colonel Fletcher, governor of New-York, demands the command of the militia of Connecticut. The colony petition king William on the subject. Colonel Fletcher comes to Hartford, and, in person, demands that the legislature submit the militia to Ins command; but they refuse. Captain Wadsworth prevents reading of his commission; and the colonel judges it expedient to leave the colony. The case of Connecticut relative to the militia stated. His majesty determines in favour of the colony. Committees are appointed to settle the boundary line between Connecticut and Massachusetts. General Winthrop returns, and receives public thanks. Congratulation of the Earl of Bellemont, appointed governor of New-York and Massachusetts. Dispute with Rhode-Island continues. Committee to settle the boundaries. Expenses of the war. Vexatious conduct of governor Fletcher. Peace, joy, and thanksgiving.

CHAPTER XVII.

General Winthrop is elected governor. The assembly divides and forms into two houses. Purchase and settlement of several towns. The boundary line between Connecticut and New-York surveyed and fixed. Attempts for running and establishing the line between Massachusetts and Connecticut. Owaneco and the Moheagans claim Colchester and other tracts in the colony. Attempts to compose all differences with them. Grant to the volunteers. The assembly enacts, that the session in October, shall, for the future, be in New-Haven. An Act enlarging the boundaries of New-London ; and acts relative to towns and
patents. Measures adopted for the defence of the colony. Appointment of king's attorneys. Attempt to despoil Connecticut of its charter. Bill for re-uniting the charter governments to the crown. Sir Henry Ashurst petitions against, and prevents the passing of the bill. Governor Dudley, Lord Cornbury, and other enemies conspire against the colony. They exhibit grievous complaints against it. Sir Henry Ashurst defends the colony, and defeats their attempts. Quakers petition. Moheagan case. Survey and bounds of the pretended Moheagan country. Dudley's court at Stonington. The colony protest against it. Dudley's treatment of the colony. Judgment against it. Petition to her majesty on the subject New commissions are granted. Act in favor of the clergy. State of the colony.

CHAPTER XVIII.

The country is alarmed. Means of defence. The assembly decline the affording of any assistance in the expedition against Port Royal. Grant
assistance to the frontier towns. New townships granted and settled. The Rev. Gurdon Saltpnstall chosen governor. Act empowering the
freemen to choose the governor from among themselves at large. Act relative to the settlement of the boundary line with Massachusetts.
Garrisons erected in the towns on the frontiers. Expedition against Canada. First emission of paper money. Address to her majesty.
Loss of the colony at Wood Creek. Expedition against Port Royal. Expedition against Canada, under the command of Admiral Waller and general Nicholson. Fleet cast away, and the enterprise defeated. The colony petition her majesty, and send the only pilot from Connecticut, to England, to represent to her majesty the loss of the fleet truly as it was. Acts respecting the superior court. Settlement of the boundary line between Massachusetts and Connecticut. Reasons why the colony consented to such a settlement. Return of peace. The colony happy in the preservation of their frontiers. Towns settled under Massachusetts. State of the colony. Observations.

Chapter xix.

. A View of the churches of Connecticut, from 16G5 to 1714,.continued from chapter XIII. The general assembly appoint a synod to determine points of religious controversy. The ministers decline meeting under the name of a synod. The assembly alter the name, and require them to meet as a general assembly of the ministers and churches of Connecticut. Seventeen questions were proposed to the assembly, to be discussed and answered. The assembly of minis. ters meet and discuss the questions. The legislature declare, that they had not been decided, and give intimations that they did not desire, that the ministers and churches of Connecticut should report their opinion upon them. They express their desires of a larger council from Massachusetts, and New-Plymouth. The Rev. Mr. Davenport removes to Boston. Dissension at Windsor. Mr. Bulkley and Mr. Fitch are appointed by the assembly to devise some way in wtiich the churches might walk together, notwithstanding their different opinions relative to the subjects of baptism, church communion, and the Jnode of church discipline. The church at Hartford divides, and Mr. Whiting and his adherents are allowed to practice upon congregational principles. The church at Stratford allowed to divide and hold distinct meetings. Mr. Walker and his hearers, upon advice, remove and settle the towrr of Woodbury. Deaths and characters of the Rev. Messrs. John Davenport and John Warham. General attempts for a reformation of manners. Religious state of the colony in 1680. Attempts for the instruction and christianising of the Indians in Connecticut. Act of the legislature respecting Windsor. The people there required peaceably to settle and support Mr. Mather. Owning or subscribing the covenant introduced at Hartford. College founded, and trustees incorporated. Worship according to the mode of the church of England, performed in this colony, first at Stratford. Episcopal church gathered-there. Act of assembly requiring the ministers and churches of Connecticut to meet and form a religious constitution. They meet and compile the Saybrook Platform. Articles of discipline. Act of the legislature adopting the Platform. Associations. Consociations. General Association. Its recommendations relative to the examination of candidates for the ministry, and of pastors elect previous to their ordination. Ministers, churches, and ecclesiastical societies in Connecticut, in 1713. Degree of instruction. The whole number of ministers in the colony from its first settlement, to that period.

APPENDIX.

Containing various documents referred to in this volume, with the great original Patent or New-england, never before published.

THW HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT

Chapter I.

Introduction. The discovery of North-America and NewEngland. Captain Smith's discovery. The country is named New-England. New-Plymouth settled. The great patent of New-England, and patent of Massachusetts. The settlement of Salem, Charlestown, Boston, and other towns in Massachusetts. Mr. Warham, Mr. Phillips and Mr. Hooker, with others of the first planters of Connecticut, arrive and make .settlements at Dorchester, Watertown and New.town. Their churches are formed and they are ordained.

THE settlement of New-England, purely for the pur- Book I. poses of Religion, and the propagation of civil and v_x-v-^/ religious liberty, is an event which has no parallel in the history of modern ages. The piety, self-denial, sufferings, patience, perseverance and magnanimity of the first settlers of the country are without a rival. The happy and extensive consequences of the settlements which they made, and of the sentiments which they were careful to propagate, to their posterity, to the church and to the world, admit of no description. They are still increasing, spreading wider and wider, and appear more and more important.

The planters of Connecticut were among the illustrious characters, who first settled New-England, and twice made settlements, first in Massachusetts, and then in Connecticut on bare creation. In an age w'.en the light of freedom was but just dawning, they, by voluntary compact, formed one of the most free and happy constitutions ef govern

Book I. inent which mankind have ever adopted. Connecticut has

'-x-S'-^' ever lieen distinguished by the free spirit of its government, the mildness of its laws, and the general diffusion of knowledge, among all classes of its inhabitants. They have been no less distinguished by their industry, economy, purity of manners, population and spirit of enterprise. For more than a century and half, they have had no rival, as to the steadiness of their government, their internal peace and harmony, their love and high enjoyment of domestic, civil and religious order and happiness. They have ever stood among the most illuminated, first and boldest defenders of the civil and religious rights of mankind.

The history of such a people must be curious, entertaining and important, h will exhibit the fairest models of civil government, of religious order, purity and human happiness. It is the design of the present work to lay thishistory before the public.

As the planters of Connecticut were among the first settlers of New-England, and interested in the first patents and settlements, sketches of the discovery of the country, of the patents by which it was conveyed and divided to the different colonies, and of the first settlements, will be necessary to illustrate the history of Connecticut and be a natural preliminary to this work.

Oct. 12,- Christopher Columbus, a Genoese, discovered the* western isles, and first communicated to Europe the intelligence of a new world : but the Cabots had the honor of discovering the great continent of North-America.

1484. John Cabot, a Venetian, born in England, in 1494

discovered Newfoundland and the island of St. Johns. In consequence of this discovery, king Henry the seventh of England, in whose service he was employed, conferred on him the honor of knighthood ; and gave him and his sons a commission to make further discoveries in the new world. John Cabot died soon after he received this commission. His son Sebastian, in 1497, sailed with the fleet, which had been preparing for his father, and directing his course by his journals, proceeded to the 67th degree of north latitude, and, returning to the southward, fell in with the continent in the SGth degree of north latitude ; and thence explored the coast as far south as the FloricUts. From these discoveries originated the claims of England to these parts of the northern continent.

1602. In 1602, Bartholomew Gosnold discovered some part of

New-England. He first touched on its eastern coast, in about 43 degrees of north latitude; and, sailing to the southward, landed on the Elizabeth Islands. He made some

discoveries of the adjacent parts, and gave the name to Book I. Cape Cod and Marthas Vineyard. v^-v-x^

Captain Henry Hudson, commissioned by king James I. in 1608, sailed, in the employment of several London1608merchants, to North-America. He came upon the coast in about 40 degrees of north latitude, and made a discovery of Long-Island and Hudson's river. He proceeded up the river as far as the latitude of 43, and called it by his own !iame.

About two years after he made a second voyage to the river, in the service of a number of Dutch merchants; and, some time after, made sale of his right to the Dutch. The right to the country, however, was antecedently in king James, by virtue of the discovery which Hudson had made under his commission. The English protested against the sale ; but the Dutch, in 1614, under the Amsterdam WestIndia company, built a fort nearly on the same ground where the city of Albany now is, which they called fort Aurania. Sir Thomas Dale, governor of Virginia, directly after dispatched captain Argall to dispossess the Dutch, and they submitted to the king of England, and under him to the governor of Virginia.*

The same year captain John Smith, who some years be-1614, fore had been governor of Virginia, made a voyage to this part of the continent. He ranged the coast from Penobscot to Cape Cod ; made a discovery of the river Pascataqua, and the Massachusetts islands. On his return to England, he published a description of the country, with a map of the sea coast, and gave it the name of New-England.

In 1620, a number of pious people, part of Mr. John NewRobinson's church and congregation, who, by the violence FIJit71t of persecution, had been driven from their pleasant seats 1620. and enjoyments in England, arrived on the coast; and, after braving every danger, and enduring almost every hardship and distress of which human nature is capable, effected a permanent settlement in this part of North-America. They gave it the name of New-Plymouth, By voluntary compact they formed themselves into a small commonwealth, and had a succession of governors. They settled all that part of Massachusetts included in the county of Plymouth. By making permanent settlements, to which others might resort, on their first arrival in New-England, or afterwards in times of distress; by making treaties with the Indians, by which the peace of the country was preserved ; by their knowledge of it, and the experience * Smith'i history of New-York, p. ?.

Book I. which they had gained, they were of peculiar advant-^x-v^> age to those who came over and made settlements after them. They were a pious, industrious people, and exhibited towards each other the most striking examples of fraternal affection. They continued a distinct colony for about seventy years, until their incorporation, by the charter of William and Mary, in 1691, with the colony of Massachusetts and the province of Maine.

November 3d, 1620, just before the arrival of Mr. RobNew-Eng- inson's people in New-England, king James the first, byland, Nov. letters patent, under the great seal of England, incorpo3,1620. rated the duke of Lenox, the marquises of Buckingham and Hamilton, the earls of Arundel and Warwick, and others, to the number of forty noblemen, knights and gentlemen, by the name " of the council established at Plymouth in the county of Devon, for the planting, ruling and governing of New-England in America"—"and granted unto them, and their successors and assigns, all that part of America, lying and being in breadth from forty degrees of north latitude, from the equinoctial line, to the forty eighth degree of said northerly latitude inclusively, and in length of, and within all the breadth aforesaid, throughout the main lands from sea to sea." The patent ordained that this tract of country should be called New-England ia America, and by that name have continuance for ever.

This grant is the broad basis on which stand all the other grants made to the colonies in New-England. This prepared the way for future grants and the immediate settlement of New-England.

Patent of On the 19th of March, 1628, the Plymouth company rhu"*t« grantC(J unto Sir Henry Roswell, Sir Joh'« Young, knights,, March 19, Thomas Southcoat, John Humphry, John Endicott and Si1628. mon Whitcomb, their heirs and assigns forever, all that part of New-England in America, which lies and extends between Mcrrimack river and Charles river, in the bottom of Massachusetts bay, and three miles to the north and south of every part of Charles river, and three miles south of the southernmost part of said bay, and three miles to the northward of every part of Merrimack river, and " all lands and hereditaments whatsoever lying widiin the limits aforesaid north and south, in latitude and breadth; and in length and longitude, of aod within all the breadth aforesaid throughout the main lands there, from the Atlantic sea and ocean on the east part, to the south sea on the west e , part."

Ma"ch 4, On the 4th of March, 1629, king Charles the first con1639. ' firmed this patent under the great seal of England. This was the patent of Massachusetts bay, under which the set- Book I. dement of that colony immediately commenced. v^x-v*w/

At this time, liberty of conscience could not be enjoyed No liberty in the parent country. No indulgence was granted even °^j°"~ JB to the most pious, loyal, and conscientious people, who j.;pgiand. would not strictly conform to the habits, ceremonies, and worship of the church of England. All non-conformists were exposed to fines, imprisonments, the ruin of their families, fortunes,.and every thing which ought to be dear to men. The most learned, pious, orthodox, and inoffensive people, who did not conform to the church of England, were treated, by the king and his bishops, with far greater severity, than drunkards, sabbath breakers, or even the most notorious debauchees. They were condemned, in the spiritual courts, without juries; without having the witnesses against them brought into court, to depose face to face; and, sometimes, without knowing the crime alledged against them, or who were the witnesses by whom it was to be proved. Many of the pious people in England, were 1629. so Harassed and persecuted for their non-conformity, that they determined, if possible, rather to make settlements in a dreary wilderness, at the distance of three thousand miles from their native couuntry, than endure the persecution and sufferings, to which they were constantly exposed from the hands of those who ought to have cherished and defended them. This cruel treatment of our venerable ancestors, was the cause of the settlement of the New-England colonies and churches. It will ever be the cjistinguishing glory of these colonies, that they were not origi- land aetnally formed for the advantages of trade and worldly emol-tled for ttic. ument, but for the noble purposes of religion, the enjoy- religion*° ment of liberty of conscience in the worship and ordinances of God. The pious fathers of these colonies wished to enjoy the uncorrupted gospel, administered in all its ordinances in purity and power, and to transmit the invaluable blessings of civil and religious liberty to their remotest posterity. With these views they left their native country, their pleasant seats and enjoyments in Europe, and made settlements in the wilds of America.

The same year in which the patent of Massachusetts received the royal confirmation, Mr. John Endicott was sent over, with about three hundred people, by the patentees, to prepare the way for the settlement of a permanent colony in that part of New-England. They arrived at Naum- Salem tetkeak in June, and began a settlement, which they named ^Jj Juu<! Salem. This was the first town in Massachusetts, and the second in New-England.

Book I. About a hundred of the planters who came over with v_x-v-w Mr. Endicott, removed very soon to Mishawam, and began Charles- a plantation at that place. Here they erected a veryspatown set- ciotjs house, and made other preparations for the accommodation of those who were expected from England the next year. They called their settlement Charlestown.

At a meeting of the company for the planting of the / t,^ Massachusetts, in England, August 29th, it was voted, that the patent and government of the plantation be transferred to New-England.*

The next year, therefore, seventeen ships were prepared, with all necessaries for the settlement of a colony. Eleven or twelve of these ships made a safe arrival in 1630, New-England by the middle of July, and they all arrived before the close of the year.t In these came over governor Winthrop, and the magistrates of the colony, who had been previously chosen in England. With them also came a number of ministers, to illuminate the infant churches, and preach in the wilderness the glad tidings of salvation. Gov. Win- On the 10th or 12th of July, governor Winthrop arrived throp ar- at Charlestown, with about fifteen hundred people. They Charles- encamped in cottages, booths, and tents, upon Charlestown, July town hill. Their place of public worship was under a large 10th. spreading tree. Here Messrs. Wilson and Phillips preached their first sermons to these pious pilgrims.J In the ships which arrived this year, there came over about seventeen hundred people. In this and the last year, there Towns set-came into New-England two thousand planters. These tied in settled about nine or ten towns or villages. A considercl.u" us able number settled at Boston and Charlestown. Many of JC30. ' the principal characters fixed their abode in these towns. Governor Winthrop lived in the great house, which had been erected the preceding year at Charlestown. Mr. Isaac Johnston, who married the lady Arabella, sister of the earl of Lincoln, and who had the best estate of any of the company, fixed his residence at Boston. He was the great promoter of the settlement of the capital of the Mas—. sachusctts.§ Sir Richard Saltonstall, who was another of the magistrates, with his company, settled at Watcrtown. They made choice of Mr. Phillips for their pastor. Mr. Pyncheon, and another company, began a settlement at Roxbury, and the famous Mr. John Elliot and Mr. Weld, who came into New-England the next year, were elected their ministers. Other companies settled Medford and Weymouth. Boston and Charlestown, the first year,, con

" Prince's Chron. p. 192. t Ibid, part ii. p. 10. J Ibid. p. 2V). ; Ibid, part ii. sect. 2, p. 2.

sidered themselves as one company, and chose Mr. Wilson Book I. for their pastor. vj*-x<>»»/

In one of the first ships which arrived this year, came 1630. over the Rev. Mr. John Warham, Mr. John Maverick, Mr. Rossiter, Mr. Ludlow, Mr. Henry Wolcott, and others of Mr. Warham's church and congregation, who first settled the town of Windsor, in Connecticut. Mr. Rossiter and Mr. Ludlow were magistrates. Mr. Wolcott had a fine estate, and was a man of superior abilities. This was -- ' an honourable company. Mr. Warham had been a famous minister in Exeter, the capital of the county of Devonshire. The people who came with him, were from the three counties of Devonshire, Dorsetshire, and Somersetshire.

Some time before the 20th of March, just as they were about to embark for New-England, upon a day of solemn fasting and prayer, they were formed into a congregational church, in the new hospital at Plymouth, in England. They then made choice of Mr. Warham and Mr. Maverick to be their pastor and teacher, and they were ordained, or re-installed to the care of this particular church. The famous Mr. White, of Dorchester, preached and assisted on. this occasion.t

They sailed from Plymouth, in England, on the 20th of March, in the ship Mary and John, of 400 tons, and arri- Mr. Warred at Nantasket on the Lord's day, May 30th. The next ham arday, captain Squeb, master of the ship, put them and their JTM?*' M?J goods on shore, at Nantasket point, and, in this situation, the grs"' left them to shift for themselves. | But, by the assistance tiers of of some of the old planters, they obtained a boat, and pro- Windsor. ceeded up Charles river, to the place since called Watertown. Here they landed their goods, and erected a shelter to cover them ; but as they had many cattle, and found a neck of land at Mattapan, aflording good accommodations for them, they soon removed and began a settlement there. They named their town Dorchester.

Sir Richard Saltonstall's people, who settled at Water- 1630. town, were the first settlers of Wcathersfield, in Connecti- Planters of cut. Mr. Phillips, who was elected their pastor, at Wa- Weathtertown, had been minister at Boxford, in the county of ersfieldEssex. Most of them were, probably, the people of his former charge, and from the same county.

The emigrants who came into New-England with Mr. Mortality Endicott and governor Winthrop, soon after their arrival, "

t Prince's Chron. p. 200. year>

{ Ibid. p. 207. Captain SqueU was. afterwards, obliged to pay damages for tliit conduct.

Book I. were visited with uncommon sickness and mortality. Of vx-v-^/ the company who came with Mr. Endicott the last year, eighty were in their graves before governor Winthrop ar rived. He found the colony in very miserable circumstances. Many of those who were yet living, were in a weak and sickly condition. The people had scarcely a sufficiency of provisions for their subsistence fourteen days. Besides, they had sustained a capital loss in their servants. They brought over with them a hundred and eighty. These cost them more than three thousand pounds sterling. But they were so straightened for provisions, that they were necessitated to give all those who survived the sickness, their liberty, that they might shift for themselves.*

Many of the ships which arrived this year, had a long passage of seventeen or eighteen weeks; in consequence of which, numbers had the scurvy, and came on shore in a sickly condition. By reason of wet lodgings, in cottages and miserable huts, for the want of fresh food and other conveniences, this sickness increased. Other diseases also, soon attacked them with violeirce; so that, in a fortnight or three weeks, the sickness became general. In a short time, so many fell sick, that the well were not sufficient properly to attend them, and bury the dead. Great numbers died, and were buried on Charlestown hill.t The sickness and mortality greatly retarded the necessary labours and affairs of the colony; so that many of the people were obliged to lie in tents, or miserable huts, during the I630.< winter. By the next spring, a hundred and twenty, or more, were among the dead. Of this number were Mr. Johnson and Mr.Rossiter. The charming lady Arabella, celebrated for her many virtues, died before her husband. She was sister to the earl of Lincoln ; and, for the sake of religion, came from a paradise of ease, plenty, and delight, in the house of a renowned earl, into a wilderness of toil, disaster, and misery.

About a hundred of the people were discouraged, and returned to England; two hundred were dead, and some went to Piscataqua. About seventeen hundred remained ; a little more than a hundred and eighty persons, or thirty families, on an average, to each town. The greatest numbers fixed themselves at Boston and Watertown. In these towns, there were, probably, nearly sixty families: in Charlestown and Dorchester, about forty; and in the other towns, not more than fifteen or twenty families.}:

Famine, \n addition to all the other calamities, with which these 1631.

» Prince's Chron. p. 209, 210. 11bid. p. 242.

$ Ibid, part ii. p. 1 and 31.

plantations had been visited, they, this year, experienced Book I. the distress of famine. By the beginning of February, s^-vx^ bread failed in every house, except the governor's, and even in this the family were reduced to the last loaves. Such were the necessities of the people, that they fed on clams, muscles, ground-nuts, and acorns. Indeed, in the winter season, it was with great difficulty that the people procured these poor articles of subsistence. The governors foreseeing, in the fall, that they should want provisions, dispatched a ship to Ireland to procure them a supply. Her happy arrival on the 5th of February, prevented their perishing with famine. The return of health in the spring, the arrival of other vessels, with provisions, afterwards, and a plenteous harvest, gave the affairs of the colony a more prosperous appearance.

While affairs were thus transacting in the colony, the violent persecution of the puritans in England made great numbers look towards America as the only safe retreat from the impending storm. This, annually, occasioned a large accession of new planters to the settlements in NewEngland.

In 1630, the Rev. Mr. Thomas Hooker, a gentleman of great abilities, and a famous preacher, at Chelmsford, in the county of Essex, was silenced for non-conformity. To escape fines and imprisonment, he fled into Holland. He was held in such high and universal esteem among his acquaintance, that forty-seven ministers, in his vicinity, petitioned the bishop of London in his favour. These were all conformists, and witnessed for Mr. Hooker, that they esteemed him, and knew him " to be, for doctrine orthodox, for life and conversation honest, for disposition peaceable, and no wise turbulent or factious." However, as he was a non-conformist, no personal or acquired excellencies, no testimonials of his good conduct, nor prayers of his friends, could save him from prosecutions and deposition.

He was so esteemed as a preacher, that not only his own people, but others, from all parts of the county of Essex, flocked to hear him. The noble earl of Warwick, though he resided at a great distance from Chelmsford, was so delighted with his public performances, that he frequently attended them. Great numbers not only attended his ministry, but experienced its salutary effects, and found themselves willing to emigrate into any part of the world, to enjoy the happiness of such a pastor. No sooner, therefore, was he driven from them, than they turned their eyes towards New-England. They hoped that, if comfortable settlements could be made in this part of America, they

Book T. might obtain him for their pastor. Therefore, in 1632, a ^-x/-x^ large body of them came over and settled at Newtown*

1632. since called Cambridge, in Massachusetts. Numbers of them, it seems, came over at an earlier period, and began to settle at Wcymouth, but, this year, they all removed to Newtown. They had expressed their earnest desires to Mr. Hooker, that he would come over iato New-England, and take the pastoral charge of them.

Mr. Hook- At their desire he left Holland, and having obtained Mr. er arrives, Samuel Stone, a lecturer at Torcester, in Northamptonifijj 4U>> »hire, for an assistant in the ministry, took his passage fov America in the Griflin, a ship of 300 tons, and arrived ai Boston, Sept. 4th, 1633. With him came over the famous Mr. John Cotton, Mr. John Haynes, afterwards governor of Connecticut, Mr. Gofl', and two hundred other passengers, of importance to the colony.

J«33. Mr. Hooker, soon after his arriv^ at Boston, proceeded

to Newtown, where, finding himself in the midst of a joyful and affectionate people, he was filled with joy himself. He embraced them with open arms, saying, in the language of the apostle, " Now I live, if ye stand fast in the Lord."* These were the pious people who afterwards settled the town of Hartford.

Messrs. Soon after Mr. Hooker's arrival, he was chosen pastor, ?1°,°g?r and Mr. Stone teacher of the people at Newtown. On the ordained J' ^ °f October the church was gathered, and, after solemn Oct. nth, fasting and prayer, the pastor and teacher were ordained

1633. to their respective offices. The church at Watertown, had Mr. Phil- been gathered before, on the 27th of August, 1630, and Mr. *Psa°r^'Phillips ordained pastor. Thus, the three churches of fertaOWD)a Windsor, Hartford, and Weathersfield, were gathered an

C. 27th, tecedently to their settlement in Connecticut, and it doc= not a-ppear that they were ever re-gathered afterwards.

* Magnalia B. III. The Life of Hooker,

CHAPTER II.

The patent of Connecticut. Tlie situation, extent, boundaries, and area of the settled part of the colony. The discovery of Connecticut river; a description of it, and the sigmfication of its name. The colony derives its name from the river. Description of other rivers. Plymouth and Dutch houses. Prospects of trade upon the river,

THE great Plymouth company wished to make grants of their lands as fast as they could find purchasers; iind conformity was so pressed, and the times grew so difficult in England, that men of quality, as well as others, were anxious to provide, for themselves and their friends, a retreat in America. Another patent, therefore, containing a large tract of country in New-England, soon succeeded that of Massachusetts.

On the 19th of March, 1631, Robert, earl of Warwick, Old patent president of the council of Plymouth, under his hand andof Conseal, did grant and confirm unto the honourable William "es^ Viscount Say and Seal, Robert Lord Brooks, Robert Lord Rich, Charles Fiennes, Esq. Sir Nathaniel Rich, Sir Richard Saltonstall, and others, to the number of eleven, and to their heirs, assigns, and associates, for ever, " All that part of New-England, in America, which lies and extends itself from a river there, called Narraganset river, the space of forty leagues upon a strait line near the sea shore, towards the south-west, west and by south, or west as the coast lieth towards Virginia, accounting three English miles to the league, and all and singular the lands and hereditaments whatsoever, lying and being within the bounds aforesaid, north and south in latitude and breadth, and in length and longitude of, and within all the breadth aforesaid, throughout all the main lands there, from the western ocean to the south seas; and all lands, grounds, soil, wood and wood lands, ground, havens, ports, creeks and rivers, waters, fishings and hereditaments whatsoever, lying within the said space, and every part and parcel thereof; and also, all islands lying in America aforesaid, in the said seas, or either of them, on the western or eastern coasts, or parts of the said tracts of land, by these presents to be given or granted."* The council of Plymouth, the preceding year. 1630, granted this whole tract to the earl of Warwick, and k had been confirmed to him by a patent from kingCharle*

the first.

* See this patent in the Appendix, No. 1.

Book I. This is the original patent of Connecticut. The set

^x-vx-' tiers of the two colonies of Connecticut and New-Haven

were Uy; patentees of Viscount Say and Seal, lord Brook,

and their associates, to whom the patent was originally

given.

Extent of President Clap describes the extent of the tract, convey

the Con- e(j jjy jjjg patent, in the words following : " All that part patent °^ New-England which lies west from Narraganset river, a hundred and twenty miles on the sea coast ; and from thence, in latitude and breadth aforesaid, to the south sea. This grant extends from Point Judith, to New-York ; and from thence, in a west line to the south sea : and if we take Narraganset river in its whole length, this tract will extend as far north as Worcester : it comprehends the whole of the colony of Connecticut, and much more."* Neal, Douglass, Hutchinson,t and all ancient historians and writers, „ have represented all the New-England grants as extending 1 <>1' west from the Atlantic ocean to the south sea. Indeed the words of the patent are most express, declaring its extent to be south west or west, towards Virginia, to be in length and longitude throughout all the main lands to the south sea.

The colony of the Massachusetts, and the commissioners of the united colonies of New-England, understood the patents in this light, and hence extended their claims to the westward of the Dutch settlements. The Massachusetts, in the year 1659, made a grant of lands, opposite to fort Aurania, upon Hudson's river, to a number of principal merchants, in the colony, who were planning to make settlements in those parts. J The same year, the commissioners of the united colonies asserted their claim of all the western lands to the south sea. In a letter to the Dutch governor, September 1st, 1659, they write, " We presume you have heard from your people of the fort of Aurania, that some of our people, the English, have been lately irj those parts, upon discovery of some meet places for plantations, within the bounds of the patent of the Massachu-setts colony ; which from the latitude of 42 degrees and a half, or 42 degrees and 33 and a half minutes, and so northerly, extends itself from east to west, in longitude through the main land of America, from the Atlantic oceaa to the south or west sea."

The patents to Virginia, the Carolinas, and Georgia, have ever been understood to have the same westerly ex* Manuscript of preiidcnt Clap.

t Neat's history N. E. vol. i. p. 148. Douglass, To!, ii. p. 90 and 160; and Hutchimi.ii vol. i. p. 64 and vol. ii. p. 203. .; Hutchinsou vol. i. p. 159.

tension. In the same light have they always been viewed, Book I. by the British kings, and have been pleaded and acted up- v^x~v>w on, in treaties, between the court of Great-Britain, and the French and Spanish monarchs. By virtue of this construction of patents and charters of the American colonies, it was, that all the western territories, as far as Mississippi, were, in the late peace with Great-Britain, ceded to the states of America. Prom the same construction of the patents, congress have taken a formal surrender of the unappropriated western lands from particular states, and from Connecticut no less than from others.

The situation of the settled part of Connecticut is chiefly situation, from 41 to 42 degrees of north latitude, and from 72 to 73 soit and degrees and 45 minutes west longitude. It is bounded *rea of Connecticut

south by the sea shore about $0 miles, from byram river, cut.
in the latitude of 40 degrees and 58 minutes, and longitude
72 degrees and 25 minutes, to Pawcatuck river, in lati-
tude 41 degrees and 17 minutes, and in longitude 72 de-
grees and 25 minutes ; east on the colony of Rhode-Isl-
and 45 miles; north on Massachusetts 72 miles, the line
running uearly in the latitude of 42 degrees ; and west on
New-York about 73 miles. It contains 4,730 square miles,
and 3,020,000 acres. One twentieth part of the colony is
water and highways.* Exclusive of these there are
2,869,000 acres. Of this about 2,640,000 arc estimated
improvable. The land is excellently watered, and libe-
ral to the husbandman. Though, in some places, it is
mountainous and broken, yet the greatest part of this is
profitable -either for wood or grazing. There are some
thin lands, but these are profitable with proper manuring
and cultivation. .

The present population is more than fifty souls to every Degree of square mils, including land and water. It is about one P°Pula

i n i tton

person to every ten or twelve acres of land.

The first discoveries made of this part of New-England were of its principal river and the fine meadows lying upon its bank. Whether the Dutch at New-Netherlands, or the people of New-Plymouth, were the first discoverers of the river is not certain. Both the English and Dutch claimed to be the first discoverers, and both purchased and made a settlement of the lands upon it nearly at the same time.

In 1631, Wahquimacut, a sachem upon the river Con-invitation necticut, made a journey to Plymouth and Boston, earnest- to settle on ly soliciting the governors of each of the colonies to send nver.

* To find the quantity of water and highways, an accurate computation was made of the proportion of water and highways in a particular town, which was supposed to contain an average with the towns in general.

Book I. men to make settlements upon the river. He represented ^x-v**' the exceeding fruitfulness of the country, and promised that he would supply the English, if they would make a settlement there, with corn annually, and give them eighty beaver skins. He urged that two men might be sent to view the country. Had this invitation been accepted it might have prevented the Dutch claim to any part of the lands tipon the river, and opened an extensive trade, in hemp, furs, and deer skins, with all the Indians upon it, and far into Canada.

W3 The governor of Massachusetts treated the sachem and

his company with generosity, but paid no further attention to his proposal. Mr. Winslow, the governor of Plymouth, judged it worthy of more attention. It seems, that soon after he went to Connecticut, and discovered the river and the adjacent parts. The commissioners of the united colonies, in their declaration against the Dutch, in 1653, say, " Mr. Winslow, one of the commissioners for Plymouth, discovered the fresh river when the Dutch had neither trading house nor any pretence to a foot of land there."*

It very soon appeared that the earnestness, wrth which the Indian sachem solicited the English to make s^ttlenients on the river, originated in the distressed state of the river Indians. Pekoath, at that time, the great sachem of the Pequims, or Pequots, was conquering them, and driving their sachems from that part of the country. The Indian king imagined that, if he could persuade the English to make settlements there, they would defend him from his too powerful enemies.t

The next year, the people of New-Plymouth made more

1632. particular discoveries, upon the river, and found a place

near the mouth of the little river, in Windsor, at which

they judged a trading house might be erected, which would

be advantageous to the colony.

The Indians represented that the river Connecticut extended so far north, and so near the great lake, that they passed their canoes from the lake into it; and that from the great swamps about the lake came most of the beaver in which they traded.

One of the branches of Onion river, in Vermont, is within ten miles of Connecticut river. This was anciently called the French river. The French and Indians from Canada came by this river, and from this into Connecticut, when they made their attacks on the northern frontiers p! New-England and Connecticut.

* Records of the United Colonies. t Wrathrop's Journal, p. 25.

Connecticut river has its source in that grand ridge of Book I. mountains which divides the waters of New-England and v^-v-s-< Canada, and extends north-easterly to the gulph of St. DescripLawrence. The source of its highest branch is in about tlon of 45 degrees and a half, or 46 degrees of north latitude. Cn Where it enters New-England, in 45 degrees of north latitude, it is ten rods in breadth, and in running sixty miles further, it becomes twenty-four rods wide. It forms the boundary line between New-Hampshire and Vermont about two hundred miles. Thence running through the states of Massachusetts and Connecticut, it disembogues its waters into Long-Island sound, between Saybrook and Lyme. It runs with a gentle flow, as its course is, between three and four hundred miles. Its breadth through Connecticut, as a medium, is between a hundred rods and half a mile. In the high spring floods it overflows its banks, and in some places is nearly two miles in breadth. As its banks are generally low, it forms and fertilizes a vast tract of the finest meadow; feasible, fertile, and in which a stone is scarcely to be found. The general course of this beautiful river, above, and between the states of NewHampshire and Vermont, is nearly south west; thence it turns and runs but a few degrees west of south to its mouth. At a small distance from its mouth is a bar of sand, apparently formed by the conflux of the river and tide. Up* on this there is but ten feet of water at full tide. The bar is at such a distance from the mouth of the river, that the greatest floods do not increase the depth of the water. This is some obstruction to navigation, but any vessel, which can pass the bar, may proceed without obstruction as far as Middletown, thirty miles from the sound ; and vessels of eighty, and a hundred tons, go up to Hartford, fifty miles from the river's mouth. By means of locks and cuts, at the falls, it is now navigable, for boats, more than three hundred miles.

In Connecticut, there is one exception to the lowness of the river's banks. About three miles below Middletown the river makes its way through two mountains, by which its breadth is contracted to about forty rods. This occasions the waters, sometimes, in the spring floods, to rise, even at Hartford, twenty feet above the common surface of the river. This, for the length of its course, -its gentle flow, its excellent waters, the rich and extensive meadows which it forms, and the immense quantities of fish, with which it abounds, is one of the finest rivers in New-England.

None of the ancient adventurers, who discovered the

great continent of North-America, or New-England, made ariy discovery of this river. It does not appear that it was known to any civilized nation, until some years after the settlement of the English and Dutch, at Plymouth and New-Netherlands.

From this fine river, which the Indians called Quonehtacut, or Connecticut, (in English, the long river,) the colony, originally took its name. Indeed this is one principal source of its wealth and convenience.

The Housatonick and the little or Fannington river, westward of it, and Pequot river, now called the Thames, on the east, are also considerable sources of its opulence iuid prosperity. The Housatonick, now commonly called Stratford river, has two principal branches. One rises in Lanesborough, and the other in Windsor, in the county of Berkshire, in Massachusetts. Where it enters Connecticut, between Salisbury and Canaan, it is about fifty rods '. wide, and running through the whole length of the colony, it empties into the sound between Milford and Stratford. It is navigable twelve miles to Derby. Between Milford and Stratford it is about eighty rods wide, and there is about four fathoms of water. Were it not obstructed, by a bar of shells, at the mouth, it would admit large ships. Between Salisbury and Canaan is a cataract where the water of the whole river falls perpendicularly sixty feet. The fall produces a perfectly white sheet of water, and amist in which various floating rainbows are exhibited, forming a scene exquisitely grand and beautiful.

r''^e Nangatuck, or Waterbury river, is another considerable branch of the Housatonick. Its source is in Torrington, and running through Harwinton, Plymouth and Watcrbury, it empties itself into said river at Derby.

The little, or Farmington river, rises in Becket, in Massachusetts, crosses the boundary line between the colonies at Hartland, and passing through Barkhempsted and NewHartford, runs south considerably below the centre of Farmington first society ; then, making a remarkable turn, it runs back nearly a north course, twelve or fourteen miles into Simsbury ; where it turns easterly, and running into Windsor, discharges its waters into Connecticut river nearly in the centre of the town. This formerly was replenished with all kinds of fish in as great a profusion as Connecticut. The numerous dams, which more lately have been erected upon it, have very greatly obstructed. their passage.

Pequot river, or the Thames, empties into the sound at New-London. It is navigable fourteen miles, to Norwich landing. Here it loses its name, and branches into She- Book I. tucket on the east, and Norwich or little river on the west. ^x~v"+*/

About a mile from the mouth of the little river, is a re- Dcscripmarkable romantic cataract. A perpendicular rock, abouttion of tii« twelve feet high, extends itself across the whole channel: Jf°f41ch* over this the river pitches, in one entire sheet, on to a bed of rocks: here it is compressed by a very narrow and crooked passage, between two craggy cliffs, and for fifteen or twenty rods, forces its way over numerous pointed rocks, with the most violent agitation ; thence it flows into a large bason, which spreads itself for its reception. The long and constant falling of the waters, have excavated the rocks, even to admiration. In some, cavities are made, of a circular form, not less than five or six feet deep. The smooth and gentle flow of the river above the fall, the regularity and beauty of its descent, the roughness and foam of the waters below, and the rugged, towering cliff impending the whole, presents the spectator with a scene majestic and pleasing beyond description.

The Shetucket, which name it bears as far only as the of Shesouthern boundary of Windham, is formed by the Willa- tucket, mantick and Quenibaug rivers. The Willamantick has Wiilamanits source in Massachusetts, enters Connecticut at Stafford, (jJeniba and is the boundary line between Tolland and Willington, Coventry and Mansfield, and passing by Windham, loses itself in the Shetucket. Quenibaug rises in Brimfield, in Massachusetts, and passing through Sturbridge and Dudley, crosses the line between that state and Connecticut, at* Thompson ; and dividing Pomfret from Killingly, Canterbury from Plainfield, ana Lisbon from Preston, flows into the Shetucket*

The colony is watered and fertilized by numerous other rivers, of less extent and utility.

As the people at Plymouth had explored Connecticut river, and fixed upon a place convenient for building and commerce, and found the original proprietors of the soil desirous of their making settlements among them, they judged it an affair worthy of public, and immediate attention.

In July, 1633, Mr. Winslow and Mr. Bradford therefore made a journey to Boston, to confer with governor Winthrop and his council, on the subject. Governor Winslow and Mr. Bradford proposed it to them, to join with Plymouth, in a trade to Connecticut, for hemp and beaver, and to erect a house for the purposes of commerce. It was represented as necessary, to prevent the Dutch from i;ikins possession of th.Yt fine country, who, it was report

Boor I. cd, were about to build upon the river: but governor Win

V^-v-n^ tin-op declined the motion : he objected that it was not

1633. proper to make a plantation there, because there were

three or four thousand warlike Indians upon the river; and

because the bar at the mouth of it was such, that small

pinnaces only could enter it at high water; and because

that, seven months in the year, no vessels could go into it,

by reason of the ice, and the violence of the stream.

The Plymouth people therefore determined to undertake the enterprise at their own risk. Preparations were made for erecting a trading house, and establishing a small company upon the river. In the mean time, the master of a vessel from Massachusetts, who was trading at New-Netherlands, shewed to Walter Van Twilier, the Dutch governor, the commission which the English had to trade and settle in New-England; and that his majesty the king of England, had granted all these parts to his own subjects. lie therefore desired that the Dutch would not build at Connecticut. This appears to have been done at the direction of governor Winthrop; for, in consequence of it, ihc Dutch governor wrote a very complaisant letter to him, in which he represented, that the lords, the States General, had granted the same country to the West-India company. He requested therefore, that the English would make no settlements at Connecticut, until the affair should he determined between the court of England, and the States General.* This appears to have been a piece of policy in the Dutch governor, to keep the English still, until the Dutch had got a firm footing upon'the river.

Several vessels, this year, went into Connecticut river to trade. John Oldham, from Dorchester, and three men, Scptcmoer ^.^ ^^ a|SQ trave]|ej through the wilderness to Connecticut, to view the country, and trade with the Indians. The sachem upon the river made him most welcome, and gave him a present in beaver. He found that the Indian hemp grew spontaneously in the meadows, in great abundance : he purchased a quantity of it; and, upon trial, it appeared much to exceed the hemp which grew in England.

William Holmes, of Plymouth, with his company, having prepared the frame of a house, with boards and materials for covering it immediately, put them on board a veseel, and sailed for Connecticut. Holmes had a commission from the governor of Plymouth, and a chosen company to accomplish his design. When he came into the river, he found that the Dutch had got in before him, made a light fort, and planted two pieces of cannon : this was erected at the place since called Hartford. The Dutch forbid Book I. Holmes' going up the river, stood by their cannon, ordered *~*-v~^s him to strike his colours, or they would fire upon him : but he was a man of spirit, assured them that he had a commission from the governor of Plymouth to go up the river, and that he must obey his orders: they poured -out their threats, but he proceeded, and landing on the west side of the river, erected his house a little below the mouth of the Plymouth little river, in Windsor.* The house was covered withlloU8Ce;he utmost dispatch, and fortified with palisadoes. The w'fndL?/ sachems, who were the original owners of the soil, had Oct. 1633. been driven from this part of the country, by the Pequots; and were now carried home on board Holmes' vessel. Of them the Plymouth people purchased the land, on which \

* WinlliropVJouraal) p. 55.

they erected their house.! This, governor Wolcott says, Dutch was the first house erected in Connecticut.}: The Dutch, house at about the same time, erected a trading house at Hartford, " which they called the Hirse of good hope.§

It was with great .difficulty that Holmes and his comparty erected and fortified their house, and kept it afterwards. , The Indians were offended at their bringing home the ori-Dutch and ginal proprietors, and lords of the country, and the Dutch Indians, that they had settled there, and were about to rival them in trade, and in the possession of those excellent lands upon the river: they were obliged therefore to combat both, and to keep a constant watch upon them.

The Dutch, before the Plymouth people took possession of the river, had invited them, in an amicable manner, to trade at Connecticut; but when they were apprised that they were making preparations for a settlement there, they repented of the invitation, and spared no exertions to prevent them.

On the 8th of June, the Dutch had sent Jacob Van Curler, to purchase lands upon the Connecticut. He made a purchase of about twenty acres at Hartford, of Nepuwiash, Oct g. a Pequot captain. Of this the Dutch took possession in October, and on the 25th of "the month, Curler protested Dec. 1634. against William Holmes, the builder of the Plymouth house. Some time afterwards, the Dutch governor, Walter Van Twiller, of fort Amsterdam, dispatched a reinforcement to Connecticut, designing to drive Holmes and his company from the river. A band of seventy men, under arms, with banners displayed, assaulted the Plymouth

* Manuscripts of governor Wolcott.
t Prince'* Cliron. part ii. sec. 2, p. 94, 95, 96.
| In his manuscript!.

j Smith represents this house as built ten years before it was. H»«t. of New-York, p. 8.

Trade iu fur.

Book 1. house, but they found it so well fortified, and the men who v^rv^»/ kept it so vigilant and determined, that it could not be taken without bloodshed: they therefore came to a parley, and finally returned in peace.

The Dutch were always mere intruders. They had no right to any part of this country. The English ever denied their right, and when the Dutch placed a governor at NewNetherlands, and the court of England made complaint of it to the States General, they disowned the affair, and said it was only a private undertaking of an Amsterdam West-India company. King James the first commissioned Edward Langdon to be governor, at New-Netherlands, and named the country New-Albion. The Dutch submitted to the English government, until the troubles in England, under the administrations of king Charles the first and the long parliament.* Taking the advantage of the distraction of those times, they again usurped and established their government, until they were reduced by king Charles the second, in 1664. They gave great trouble to both the colonies of Connecticut and New-Haven.

The people of New-Plymouth had carried on a trade upon Connecticut river for nearly two years before they erected a trading house. They found the country to be excellent and the trade profitable ; but that, were there a house and company to receive the commodities which were brought down from the inland country, the profits would be much greater. The country abounded with beaver. The Dutch purchased not less than ten thousand skins annually. Plymouth and Massachusetts people sometimes sent, in a single ship, for England, a thousand pounds sterling worth of otter and beaver skins. The extent of Connecticut river, the numerous Indians upon it, and tho easy communication which they had with the lakes, and natives of Canada, gave an extensive opening for a trade in furs, skins, corn, hemp and all kinds of commodities which the country afforded.

This was a year of great sickness at Plymouth. They lost twenty of their people. Some of them were their principal and most useful inhabitants.

Mortality It was a dreadful year to the Indians in the Massachuampngtlie setts. Two sachems with a great part of their Indians Nov*and" died. The small pox, which spread among them, was the pec. occasion of the mortality. The people of Massachusetts shewed them great kindness in their distress. Several towns received their children to prevent their taking the infection, and to nurse and save them if they had taken it ; I- Doug. vol. ii. p. 2?2.

but the most of them died, notwithstanding all the care and Book I. pains which could he exercised towards them. When ^^-v«v their own people forsook them, the English, who lived near them, went to their wigwams and ministered to them. Some families spent almost their whole time with them. One Englishman buried thirty of their dead in oneday.*

CHAPTER III.

The state of the country of Connecticut when the settlement of the colony commenced. Its trees and fruits. Its animals. Number, situation, geniip, manners, arms, utensils and wars of (he Indians.

WHEN the English became first acquainted with that tract comprised within the settled part of Connecticut, it was a vast wilderness. There were no pleasant fields, nor gardens, no public roads, nor cleared plats. Except in places where the timber had been destroyed, and its growth prevented by frequent fires, the groves were thick and lofty. The Indians so often burned the country, to take deer and other wild game, that in many of the plain, dry parts of it, there was but little small timber. Where lands were thus burned there grew bent grass^ or as some called it, thatch, two, three and four feet high, according to the strength of the land. This, with other combustible matter, which the fields and groves produced, when dry, in the spring and fall, burned with violence and killed all the small trees. The large ones escaped, and generally grew to a notable height and magnitude. In this manner the natives so thinned the groves, that they were able to plant their corn and obtain a crop.

The constant fall of foliage, with the numerous kinds of weeds and wild grass, which annually died and putrified on the lands, yielded a constant manure, and exceedingly enriched them. Vegetation was rapid, and all the natural productions of the country luxuriant.

It abounded with the finest oaks of all kinds, with ches-Trees, nut, walnut and wild cherry trees, with all kinds of maple, beech, birch, ash and elm. The butternut tree, buttonwood, basswood, poplar and sassafras trees, were to be found * Winthrop's Journal, p, 69.

Natural fruits.

Book I. generally upon all tracts in Connecticut. White, yellow -x-v^/ and pitch pine, white and red cedar, hemlock and spruce, grew pjenteously in many places. In the north and northwestern part of the colony were excellent groves of pine, with spruce and fir trees. The white wood tree also, notable for its height and magnitude, making excellent boards and clapboards, was the natural growth of the country. In some towns white wood trees have grown in great abundance. All other kinds of small trees, of less utility, common to New-England, flourish in Connecticut. The country abounded with a great variety of wild fruit. In the groves were walnuts, chesnuts, butternuts, hazlenuts and acorns in great abundance. Wild cherries, currants and plumbs, were natural productions. In the low lands, on the banks of the rivers, by the brooks and gutters, there was a variety and plenty of grapes. The country also abounded with an almost endless variety of esculent and medicinal berries, herbs and roots. Among the principal and most delicious of these were strawberries, blackberries of various kinds, raspberries, dewberries, whortleberries, bilberries, blueberries and mulberries. Cranberries also grew plenteously in the meadows, which when well prepared furnish a rich and excellent sauce. Juniperberries, barberries and bayberries, which are of the medicinal kind, grow spontaneously in Connecticut. The latter is an excellent and useful berry, producing a most valuable tallow. It is of a beautiful green, and has a fine perfume. Beside these, there was a profusion of various other kinds of berries of less consideration. Some even of these, however, are very useful in various kinds of dyes and in certain medicinal applications.

The earth spontaneously produced ground nuts, artichokes, wild leeks, onions, garlicks, turnips, wild pease, plantain, radish, and other esculent roots and herbs.

Among the principal medicinal vegetables of Connecticut are the blood root, seneca snakeroot, liquorice root, dragon root, pleurisy root,* spikenard, elecampane, Solomon's seal, sarsaparilla, senna, bittersweet, ginseng, angelica, masterwort, motherwoii, lungwort, consumption root.t great and small canker weed, high andlowcenlaury, jsweet and blue flag, elder, maidenhair, pennyroyal, celan

* Esclepias cleeumbens.

t This is the Geum Urbanam of Linnxu*. It > known in Britain by the name of Herb Jicnnel, or common JiTtns. Dr. Buchhave, from long experience, recommends it as much superior to the Peruvian bark, in (ho cure of periodical and other disease*. Medical commentaries by a society of Physicians in Edinburgh, vol. vii. p. 279 to 888. He represents three ounces of this root, as equal to a pound of the cortex.

dine, mallow, marsh mallow, slippery elm, adder's tongue Book I. and rattlesnake weed. Indeed a great proportion of the ^x^/-x^ the roots and plants of the country, with the bark, buds 1633. and roots of many of the trees, are used medicinally. There is a great variety of plants and flowers, ihe names and virtues of which are not known.§

The country was no less productive of animals, than of natural fruit. In the groves there were plenty of deer, moose, fat bears, turkies, herons, partridges, quails, pigeons, and other wild game, which were excellent for food. There were such incredible numbers of pigeons in NewEngland, when the English became first acquainted with it, as filled them with a kind of astonishment. Such numerous and extensive flocks would be seen flying for some hours, in the morning, that they would obscure the light. An American historian writes, " It passeth credit, if but the truth were written."

Connecticut abounded in furs. Here were otters, beaver, the black, gray, and red.fox, the racoon, mink, muskrat, and various other animals, of the fur kind. The wolf, wild cat, and other animals, common in New-England, were equally so in Connecticut. Wolves were numerous in all parts of New-England, when the settlements commenced, and did great damage to the planters, killing their sheep, calves, and young cattle.

The country afforded an almost incredible plenty of wa- Fowl ter fowl. In the bays, creeks, rivers, and ponds, were wild geese, and ducks of all kinds, wigeons, sheldrapes, broadbills, teal of various sorts, and other fowl, which were both wholesome and palatable. In the waters, on the shores, and in the sands, were lobsters, oysters, clams, and all kinds of shell fish in abundance. Most of these are reckoned among the dainties of the table.

In the seas, bays, rivers, and ponds, there was a variety, and an innumerable multitude of fish. Connecticut Fish river, in particular, was distinguished for that plenty and variety which it afforded in the proper season : especially for those excellent salmon, with which its waters were replenished.

As Connecticut abounded in wild animals, so it did also. . with wild and savage men. In no part of New-England merous hi were the Indians so numerous, in proportion to the extent Connectiof territory,.as in Connecticut. The sea coast, harbors,cut, hays, numerous ponds and streams, with which the country abounded, the almost incredible plenty of fish and fowl

i Thp roots and flowers of America, would be the most valuable addition to the works tf the celebrated Linnaeus, which could be made.

Book t. which it afforded, were exceedingly adapted to their con

V^^n^-x^ venience and mode of living. The exceeding fertility of 1633. the meadows, upon several of its rivers, and in some other parts of it, the excellence of its waters, and the salubrity of the air, were all circumstances, which naturally collected them in great numbers to this tract. Neither wars, nor sickness, had so depopulated this, as they had some other parts of New-England.

From the accounts given of (he Connecticut Indians.

numbers ''lcy cannot be estimated at less than twelve or sixteen thousand. They might possibly amount to twenty. They could muster, at least, three or four thousand warriors.* It was supposed, in 1633, that the river Indians only could bring this number into the field.! These were principally included within the ancient limits of Windsor, Hartford, Weathersfield, and Middietown. Within the town of Windsor only, there were ten distinct tribes, or sovereignties. About the year 1670, their bowmen were reckoned at two thousand. At that time, it was the general opinion,

Situation. tna{ tncre were ninetcen Indians, in that town, to one Englishman. There was a great body of them in the centre of the town. They had a large fort a little north of the plat on which the first meeting-house was erected. On the east side of the river, on the upper branches of the Po-* dunk, they were very numerous. There were also a great number in Hartford. Besides those on the west side of the river, there was- a distinct tribe in East-Hartford. These were principally situated upon the Podunk, from the northern boundary of Hartford, to its mouth, where it empties into Connecticut river. Totanimo, their first sachem with whom the English had any acquaintance, commanded two- hundred bowmen. These were called the Podunk Indians.

At Mattabesick, now Middietown, was the great sachem

Forts, Sowhcag. His fort, or castle, was on the high ground, facing the river, and the adjacent country, on both sides of the river, was his sachemdom. This was extensive, comprehending the ancient boundaries of Weathersfield, then called Pyquaug, as well as Middietown. Sequin was sagamore at Pyquaug, under Sowhcag, when the English began their settlements. On the east side of the river, in the tract since called Chatham, was a considerable clan, called the Wongung Indians. At Machemoodus, now called East-Haddam. was a numerous tribe, famous for their {tawaws, and worshipping of evil spirits.} South of these. in the easternmost part of Lyme, were the western Nehan- Book I. ticks. These were confederate with the Pequots. South vx-v-x^ and east of them, from Connecticut river to the eastern 1633. 'boundary line of the colony, and north-east or north, toils northern boundary line, lay the Pequot and Moheagan country. This tract was nearly thirty miles square, including the counties of New-London, Windham, and the principal part of the county of Tolland.§

* Winthrop't Journal, p. 51. t Manuscript! from Windsor. t Manuscripts ol' the Rev. Mr. Hosmer.

Historians have treated of the Pequots and Moheagans, Pequot as two distinct tribes, and have described the Pequot coun-and Mo~ try, as lying principally within the three towns of New- l London, Groton, and Stonington. All the tract above this, as far north and east as has been described, they have represented as the Moheagan country. Most of the towns in this tract, if not all of them, hold their lands by virtue of deeds from Uncas, or his successors, the Moheagan sachems. It is, however, much to be doubted, whether the Moheagans were a distinct nation from the Pequots. They appear to have been a part of the same nation, named from the place of their situation. Uncas was evidently of the royal line of the Pequots, both by his father and mother ; and his wife was daughter of Tatobam, one of the Pequot sachems.* He appears to have been a captain, or petty sachem, under Sassacus, the great prince of the nation. When the English first came to Connecticut, he was in a state of rebellion against him, in consequence of some misunderstanding between them; and of little power or consequence among the Indians.

The Pequots were, by far, the most warlike nation in ivquot saConnecticut, or even in New-England. The tradition is, chems. that they were, originally, an inland tribe; but, by their prowess, came down and settled themselves, in that fine country along the sea coast, from Nehantick to Narraganset bay. When the English began their settlements at Connecticut, Sassacus had twenty-six sachems, or principal war captains, under him. The next to himself, in dignity, was Mononottoh. The chief seat of these Indians, was at New-London and Groton. New-London was their principal harbor, and called Pequot harbor. They had another small harbor at the mouth of Mystic river. Their principal fort was on a commanding and most beautiful eminence, in the town of Groton, a few miles south-easterly from fort Griswold. It commanded one of the finest prospects of the sound and the adjacent country, which is to

4 President Clap's manuscripts, and Chandler's map of the Moheagan country.

* Preface to Capt. Mason's history, and genealogy of Uncas, upon the records of Connecticut.

Book I. be found upon the coast. This was the royal fortresg, s-^v-v^ where the chief sachem had his residence. He had an1633. other fort near Mystic river, a few miles to the eastward of this, called Mystic fort. This was also erected upon a beautiful hill, or eminence, gradually descending towards the south and south-east. The Pequots, Moheagans, and Nehanticks, could, doubtless, muster a thousand bowmen. The Pequots only were estimated at seven hundred warriors. Upon the lowest computation we therefore find at least three thousand warriors on the river Connecticut, and in the eastcnv part of the colony. If we reckon every third person a bowman, as some have imagined, then the whole number of Indians, in the town and tract mentioned, would be nine thousand; but if there were but one to four or five, as is most probable, then there were twelve or fifteen thousand.

West of Connecticut river and the towns upon it, therewere not only scattering families in almost every part, but, in several places, great bodies of Indians. At Simsbury find New-Hartford, they were numerous; and upon those fine meadows, formed by the meanders of the little river, at Tunxis, now Farmington, and the lands adjacent, was mother very large clan. There was a small tribe at Guilford, under the sachem squaw, or queen, of Menunkatuck. At Branford and East-Haven there was another. They had a famous burying ground at East-Haven, which they visited and kept up, with much ceremony, for many years after the settlement of New-Haven.

At Milford, Derby, Stratford, Norwalk, Stamford, and Greenwich, their numbers were formidable.

At Milford, the Indian name of which was Wopowaer, n~ there were great numbers; not only in the centre of the town, but south of it, at Milford point. In the fields there, the shells brought on by the original inhabitants are said to be so deep, that they never have been ploughed, or dug through, even to this day. On the west part of the town was another party. They had a strong fortress, with flankers at the four corners, about half a mile north of Stratford ferry. This was built as a defence against the Mohawks. At Turkey hill, in the north-west part of Milford, there was another large settlement.

^"dI't'at- '" ^er')y> there were two large clans. There was one furd ludi- at Paugusset. This clan erected a strong fort against the . aof. Mohawks, situated on the bank of the river, nearly a mile above Derby ferry. At the falls of Naugatuck river, four or five miles above, was another tribe.

At Stratford, the Indians were equally, if not more nu

merous. In that part of the town only, which is compris- Book 1. ed within the limits of Huntiugton, their warriors, after the v_x-v->»> English had knowledge of them, were estimated at three 1633. hundred; and, before this time, they had been much wasted by the Mohawks.

The Indians at Stamford and Greenwich, and in that Stamford vicinity, probably, were not inferior in numbers to those Indians, at Stratford. There were two or three tribes of Indians in Stamford, when the English began the settlement of the town. In Norwalk were two petty sachemdoms; so that within these towns, there was a large and dangerous body of savages. These, with the natives between them and Hudson's river, gave extreme trouble to the Dutch. The Norwalk and Stamford Indians gave great alarm, and occasioned much expense to the English, afior they made settlements in that part of the colony.

In the town of Woodbury, there were also great numbers of Indians. The most numerous body of them was in lhat part of the town, since named South-Britain,

It would doubtless be a moderate computation, to reckon all these different clans at a thousand warriors, or four or five thousand people. There must therefore have been .sixteen, and it may be. twenty thousand -Indians in Connecticut, when the settlement of it commenced.

East of Connecticut were the Narraganset Indians: ^t^as*n" these were a numerous and powerful body. When the dians. English settled Plymouth, their fightilfg men were reckoned at three or four thousand.* Fifty years after this time, they were estimated at two thousand. The Pequots and Narragansets maintained perpetual war, and kept up an implacable animosity between them. The Narragansets were the only Indians in the vicinity of the Pequots, which they had not conquered. To these their very name was dreadful. They said Sassacus was " all one God; no man could kill him.»t

On the northeasterly and northern part of the colony, Nipmuck were the Nipmuck Indians. Their principal seat was Indians, about the great ponds in Oxford, in Massachusetts, but their territory extended southward into Connecticut, more than twenty miles. This was called the Wabbequasset and Whetstone country; and sometimes, the Mohcagan conquered country, as Uncas had conquered and added r, to his sachemdom.J

* Prince's Chron. p. 116.
+ Major Mason's history of the Pequot war.

J President Clap's manuscripts, and Chandler's map of the. Moheagan country.

Book I. The Connecticut, and indeed all the New-England Ins^-v-^w/ dians, were large, strait, well proportioned men. Their 1633. bodies were firm and active, capable of enduring the greatDcscrip- est fatigues and hardships. Their passive courage was °_f tbe almost incredible. When tortured in tbe most cruel manner ; though flayed alive, though burnt with fire, cut or torn limb from limb, they would not groan, nor show any signs of distress. Nay, in some instances they would glory over their tormentors, saying that their hearts would never be soft until they were cold, and representing their torments as sweet as Englishmen's sugar.* When travelling in summer, or winter, they regarded neither heat nor cold. They were exceedingly light of foot, and would travel or run a very great distance in a day. Mr. Williams says, " I haw known them run between eighty and a hundred miles in a summer's day and back again within two days." As they were accustomed to the woods, they ran in them nearly as well as on plain ground. They were exceedingly quick sighted, to discover their enemy, or their, game, and equally artful to conceal themselves. Their features were tolerably regular. Their faces are generally full as broad as those of the English, but flatter ; they have a small, dark coloured good eye, coarse black hair, and a fine white set of teeth. The Indian children, when born, are nearly as white as the English children ; but as they grow up their skin grows darker and becomes nearly of a copper Colour. The shapes both of the men and women, especially the latter, are excellent. A crooked Indian is rarely if ever to be seen.

The Indians in general were quick of apprehension, ingenious, and when pleased, nothing could exceed their courtesy and friendship. Gravity and eloquence distinguished them in council, address and bravery in war. They were not more easily provoked than the English ; tut when once they had received an injury, it was never forgotten. In anger they were not, like the English, talkative and boisterous, but sullen and revengeful. Indeed, when they were exasperated, nothing could exceed their revenge and cruelty. When they have fallen into the power of an enemy, they have not been known to beg for life, nor even to accept it when offered them. They have seemed rather to court death.t They were exceedingly improvident. If they had a supply for the present, they gave themselves no trouble for the future. The men declined all laTior, and spent their time in hunting, fishing^ shooting, and warlike exercises. They were excellent Book I. marksmen, and rarely missed their game, whether run- v^--^-^/ uing or flying. 163.3.

* Hubbard's Narrative, p. 130 and 172. t Jefferson's notes, p. 108, 109, and Hulbard's narrative, p. 130, 172

Genius.

They imposed all the drudgery upon their women. TreatThey gathered and brought home their wood, planted, t?ent of dressed and gathered in their corn. They carried home ^J^° the venison, fish and fowl, which the men took in hunting. When they travelled, the women carried the children, packs and provisions. The Indian women submitted patiently to such treatment, considering it as the hard lot of the woman. This ungenerous usage of their haughty lords, they repaid with smiles and good humour.

It has been common among all heathen nations, to treat their women as slaves, and their children, in infancy, with little tenderness. The Indian men cared little for their children when young, and were supposed at certain times, to sacrifice them to the devil. Christianity only provides for that tender and honorable treatment of the woman, which is due to the sex formed of man. This alone prow vides for the tender care, nursing and education of her offspring, and is most favorable to domestic happiness, to the life and dignity of man.

The Indian women were strong and masculine; and as they were more inured to exercise and hardship than the men, were even more firm and capable of fatigue and suffering than they. They endured the pains of child-bearing without a groan. It was not uncommon for them, soon after labor, to take their children upon their backs and travel as they had done before.*

The clothing of the Indians in New-England, was the Dress skins of wild beasts. The men threw a light mantle of skins over them, and wore a small flap which was called Indian breeches. They were not very careful, however, to conceal their nakedness. The women were much more modest. They wore a coat of skins, girt about their loins, which reached down to their hams.—They never put this off in company. If the husband chose to sell his wife's beaver petticoat, she could not be persuaded to part with it, until he had provided another of some sort.

In the winter, their blanket of skins, which hung loose in the summer, was tied or wrapped more closely about them. The old men in the severeSeasons also wore a sort of trowsers made of skins and fastened to their girdles. They wore shoes without heels, which they called mockasins. These were made generally of moose hide, but

* Wood's prospect of New-England, Neal and Itutcliinson, Neal's Hisf N E. vol. i p. 45. Hutcbinion, yol. i. p. 4Q3 to 467.

Book I. sometimes of buck skin. They were shaped entirely to 'the foot, gathered at the toes aud round the ankles, and made fast with strings.

Their ornaments were pendants in their ears and nose, carved of bone, shells and stone. These were in the form of birds, beasts and fishes. They also wore belts of wampompeag upon their arms, over their shoulders and about their loins. They cut their hair into various antic forms and stuck them with feathers. They also, by incisions into which they conveyed a black or blue, unchangeable ink, made on their cheeks, arms, and other parts of their bodies, the figures of moose, deer, bears, wolves, hawks, eagles and all such living creatures as were most.agreeable to their fancies. These pictures were indelible, and lasted during life. The sachems, on great days, when they designed to show themselves in the full splendor of majesty, not only covered themselves with mantles of moose, or deerskins, with various embroideries of white beads, and with paintings of different kinds ; but they wore the skin of a bear, wild cat or some terrible creature upon their shoulders and arms. They had also necklaces of fish bones, and painting themselves in a frightful manner, made a most ferocious and horrible appearance. The warriors who, on public occasions, dressed themselves in the most wild and terrific forms, were considered as the best men.

Habita- The Indian houses or wigwams, were, at best, but poor

Horn. smoky cells. They were constructed generally like arbours, of small young trees, bent and twisted together, and so curiously covered with mats or bark, that they were tolerably dry and warm. The Indians made their fire in the centre of the house, and there was an opening at the top, which emitted the smoke. For the convenience of wood and water, these huts were commonly erected in groves, near some river, brook or living spring. When the wood failed, the family removed to another place.

Food. They lived in a poor low manner: their food was coarse

and simple, without any kind of seasoning : they had neither spice, salt, nor bread : they had neither butter, cheese, nor milk: they drank nothing better than the water which ran in the brook, or spouted from the spring : they fed on the flesh and entrails of moose, deer, bears, and all kinds of wild beasts and fowls ; on fish, eels, and creeping things: they had good stomachs,and nothing came amiss. In the hunting and fishing seasons, they had venison, moose, fat bears, racoons, geese, turkics, ducks, and ti&h of all kinds. In the summer, they had green corn, bean*, squashes, and the various fruits which the-country naturally produced. In the winter they subsisted on corn, beans, Book I. fish, nuts, groundnuts, acorns, and the very gleanings of^x-v-^/ the grove. 1633.

They had no set meals, but like other wild creatures, No set ate when they were hungry, and could find any thing to satisfy the cravings of nature. Some times they had little or nothing for several days ; but when they had provisions, they feasted. If they fasted for some time, they were sure at the ne\i meal to make up for all they had lost before. They had but little food from the earth, except what it spontaneously produced. Indian corn, beans and squashes, were the only eatables for which the natives in NewEngland labored. The earth was both their scat and their table. With trenchers, knives, and napkins, they had no acquaintance.

Their household furniture was of small value. Their Household best bed was a mat or skin : they had neither chair nor furniture, stool. They ever sat upon the ground, commonly with their elbows upon their knees : this is the manner in which their great warriors and councillors now sit, even in the most public treaties with the English. A few wooden and stone vessels and instruments, serve all the purposes of domestic life. They had no steel nor iron instrument, utensils Their knife was a sharp stone, shell, or kind of reed, which they sharpened in such a manner, as to cut their hair, make their bows and arrows, and served for all the purposes of a knife. They made them axes of stone: these they shaped somewhat similar to oar axes; but with this difference, that they were made with a neck, instead of an eye, and fastened with a withe, Hlie a blacksmith's chissel. They had mortars, and stone pestles, and chissels : great numbers of these have been found in the country, and kept by the people, as curiosities. They dressed their corn with a clamshell, or with a stick, made flat and sharp at one end. These were all the utensils which they had, either for domestic use, or for husbandry.

Their arts and manufactures were confined to a very Arts and narrow compass. Their only weapons were bows and ar- TManufa" rows, the tomahawk and the wooden sword or spear. Their bows were of the common construction : their bowstrings were made of the sinews of deer, or of the Indian hemp. Their arrows were constructed of young elder sticks, or of other strait sticks and reeds : these were headed with a sharp flinty stone, or with bones. The arrow was cleft at one end, and the stone or bone was put in and fastened wit/i a small cord. The tomahawk was a stick of two or three feet in length, with a knob at one end. Some times

Book I. it was a stone hatchet, or a stick, with a piece of deers ^x-n^-v^ horn at one end, in the form of a pick axe. Their spear 1633. was a strait piece of wood, sharpened at one end, and hardened in the fire, or headed with bone or stone.

With respect to navigation, they had made no improvements beyond the construction and management of the hollow trough or canoe. They made their canoes of the chesnut, whitewood, and pine trees. As these grew strait to a great length, and were exceedingly large as well as tall, they constructed some, which would carry sixty or eighty men :* these were first rates; but commonly they were not more than twenty feet in length, and two in breadth. The Pequots had many of these, in which they passed over to the Islands, and warred against, and plundered the Islanders. The Indians upon Long-Island had a great number of canoes, of the largest kind

Indian ca- f ne construction of these, with such miserable tools as atructed. the Indians possessed, was a great curiosity. The manner was this : when they had found a tree to their purpose, to fell it they made a fire at the root, and kept burning it and cutting it with their stone axe, until it fell: then they kindled a fire at such a distance from the butt as they chose, and burned it off again. By burning and working with their axe, and scraping with sharp stones and shells, they made it hollow and smooth. In the same manner they shaped the ends, and finished it to their wishes.

They constructed nets, twenty and thirty feet in length, books. for fiSQing; especially for the purpose of catching sturgeon : these were wrought with cords of Indian hemp, twisted by the hands of the women. They had also hooks, made of flexible bones, which they used for fishing.

With respect to religion and morals, the Indians in NewRcii°-iou England were in the most deplorable condition. They and morals believed that there was a great Spirit, or God, whom they called Kitchtan. They imagined that he dwelt far away in the southwest, and that he was a good God. But they worshipped a great variety of gods. They paid homage to the fire and water, thunder and lightning, and to whatever they imagined to be superior to themselves, or capable of doing them an injury.? They paid their principal homage to Hobbamocko. They imagined that he was an evil spirit and did them mischief; and so, from fear, they worshipped him, to keep him in good humour. They appeared to have no idea of a sabbath, and not to regard any particular day more than another. But in times of uncommon

distress, by reason of pestilence, war, or famine, and upon Book I. occasion of great victories and triumph, and after the in- v^v>»/ gathering of the fruits, they assembled in great numbers, 1633. for the celebration of their superstitious rites.* The whole country, men, women and children, cam§ together upon these solemnities. The manner of their devotion was, to kindle large fires in their wigwams, or more commonly in the open fields, and to sing and dance round them in a wild and violent manner. Sometimes they would all shout aloud, with the most antic and hideous notes. They made rattles of shells, which they shook, in a wild and violent manner, to fill up the confused noise. After the English settled in Connecticut, and they could purchase kettles of brass, they used to strain skins over them, and beat upon them, to augment their wretched music. They often continued these wild and tumultuous exercises incessantly, for four or five hours, until they were worn down and spent with fatigue. Their priests, or powaws, led in these exercises. They were dressed in the most odd and surprising manner, with skins of odious and frightful creatures about their heads, faces, arms, and bodies. They painted themselves in the most ugly forms which could be devised. They sometimes sang, and then broke forth into strong invocations, with starts, and strange motions and passions. When these paused, the other Indians groaned, making wild and doleful sounds. At these times, they sacrificed their skins, Indian money, and the best of their treasures. These were taken by the powaws, and all cast into the fires and consumed together. After the English came into the country, and they had hatchets and kettles, they sacrificed these in the same manner. The English were also persuaded, that they, sometimes, sacrificed their children, as well as their most valuable commodities. No Indians in Connecticut were more noted for these superstitions than those of Wopowage and Machemoodus. Milford people observing an Indian child, nearly at one of these times of their devotion, dressed in an extraordinary manner, with all kinds of Indian finery, had the curiosity to inquire what could be the reason. The Indians answered, that it was to be sacrificed, and the people supposed that it was given to the devil. The evil spirit, which the New-England Indians called Hobbamocko, the Virginia Indians called Okee. So deluded were these unhappy people, that they believed these barbarous sacrifices to be absolutely necessary. They imagined that, unless they appeased and conciliated their gods in this manner, they would neither suffer them to have *Magnalia,B.IH. p. 193.

Book 1

1633.

Morals.

peace, nor harvests, fish, venison, fat bears, nor turkeys: but would visit them with a general destruction.

With respect to morals, they were indeed miserably depraved. Mr. Williams and Mr. Callender, who, at an early period, were acquainted with the Indians in RhodeIsland, Mr. Hooker, and others, have represented them as sunk into the lowest state of moral turpitude, and as the very dregs of human nature.* Though thf character which they gave them was, in some respects, exaggerated and absurd, yet it cannot be denied, that they were worshippers of evil spirits, liars, thieves, and murderers. They certainly were insidious and revengeful, almost without a parallel; and they wallowed in all the filth of wantonness. Great pains were taken with the Narraganset and Connecticut Indians, to civilize them, and teach them christianity ; but the sachems rejected the gospel with indignation and contempt. They would not suffer it to be preached to their subjects. Indeed, both made it a public interest to oppose its propagation among them. Their policy, roligion, and manners, were directly opposed to its purtf doctrines and morals.

The manner of their courtship and marriages manifested their impurity. When a young Indian wished for marriage, he pi-csented the girl with whom he was enamoured, with bracelets, belts, and chains of wampum. If she received his presents, they cohabited together for a trmer upon trial. If they pleased each other, they were joined in marriage; but if, alter a few weeks, they were not suited, the man, leaving his presents, quitted the girl, and sought another mistress, and she another lover.t In this manner they courted, until two met who were agreeable to each other. Before marriage the consent of the sachem was obtained, and he always joined the hands of the young pair in wedlock.

plurality The Indians in general kept many concubines, and never thought they had too many women.}; This especially was the case with their sachems. They chose their concubines agreeably to their fancy, and put them away at pleasure. When a sachem grew weary of any of his women,- he bestowed them upon some of his favourites, or chief men. The Indians, however, had one wife, who was the governess of the family, and whom they generally kept during life. In cases of adultery, the husband either put away the guilty wife, or satisfied himself by the infliction

Courtship and marriage.

* Williams' manuscripts, and Mr. Callender's sertnonj
t Hutchinson, vol. i. p. 461, 462.
-t Seal's Hist. N. E. p. 38,39.

of wives.

of some severe punishment. Husbands and wives, parents Book I. and children, lived together in the same wigwams, without s^~v-x^ any different apartment, and made no great privacy of such 1633. actions as the chaster animals keep from open view.

The Indian government, generally, was absolute mon- 'ndian archy. The will of the sachem was his law. The lives ' and interests of his subjects were at his disposal. But in all-important affairs, he consulted his counsellors. When they had given their opinions, they deferred the decision of every matter lo him. Whatever his determinations were, they applauded his wisdom, and without hesitation obeyed his commands. In council, the deportment of the sachems was grave and majestic to admiration. They appeared to be men of great discernment and policy. Their^speeches were cautious and politic. The conduct of their counsellors and servants was profoundly respectful and submissive.

The counsellors of the Indian kings in New-England, were termed the paniese. These were not only the wisest,ese' but largest and bravest men to be found among their subjects. They were the immediate guard of their respective sachems, who made neither war nor peace, nor attempted any weighty affair, without their advice. In war, ana all great enterprises, dangers, and sufferings, these discovered a boldness and firmness of miqd exceeding all the other warriors.

To preserve this order among the Indians, great pains were taken. The stoutest and most promising boys were chosen, and trained up with peculiar care, in the observation of certain Indian rites and customs. They were kept from all delicious meats, trained to coarse fare, and made to drink the juice of bitter herbs, until it occasioned violent vomitings. They were beaten over their legs and shins with' sticks, and made to run through brambles and thickets, to make them hardy, and, as the Indians said, to render them more acceptable to Hobbamocko.

These paniese, or ministers of state, were in league with the priests, or powaws. To keep the people in awe, they pretended, as well as the priests, to nave converse with the invisible world, and that Hobbamocko often appeared, to them.

Among the Connecticut Indians, and among all the In- The crowa dians in New-England, the crown was hereditary, always h«ediiadescending to the eldest son. When there was no maleri' issue, the crown descended to the female. The blood royal was held in such veneration, that no one was considered as to the crown, but such as were royally descended on.

I. both sides. When a female acceded to the crown, she was +s called the sunk squaw, or queen squaw. There were many petty sachems, tributary to other princes, on whom they were dependant for protection, and without whose consent they made neither peace, war, nor alliances with other nations.

The revenues of the crown consisted in the contributions of the people. They carried corn, and the first fruits of their harvest of all kinds, beans, squashes, roots, berries, and nuts, and presented them to their sachem. They made him presents of flesh, fish, fowl, moose, bear, deer, beaver and other skins. One of the paniese was commonly appointed to receive the tribute. When the Indians brought it, he gave notice to his sachem, who went out to them, and by good words and some small gifts, expressed his gratitude. By these contributions, his table was supplied; so that he kept open house for all strangers and travellers. Besides, the prince claimed an absolutp sovereignty over the seas within his dominion. Whatever was stranded on the coast, all wrecks and whales floating on the sea, and taken, were his.* In war, the spoils of the enemy, and all the women and royalties of the prince conquered, belonged to him who made the conquest.

Sachems The sachem was not only examiner, judge, and execujwdges andtioner, in all criminal cases, but in all matters of justice between one man and another. In cases of dishonesty, the. Indians proportioned the punishment to the number of times in which the delinquent had been found guilty. For the first ofTence, he was reproached for his villainy in the most disgraceful manner; for the second, he was beaten with a cudgel upon his naked back. If he still persisted in his dishonest practices, and was found guilty a third time, he was sure, besides a sound drubbing, to have his nose slit, that all men might know and avoid him. Murder was, in all cases, punished with death. The sachem whipped the delinquent, and slit his nose, in cases which required these punishments; and he killed the murderer, unless he were at a great distance. In this case, in which execution could not be done with his own hands, he sent his knife, by which it was effected. The Indians would not receive any punishment which was not capital, from the hands of any except their sachems. They would neither be beaten, whipped, nor slit by an officer: but their prince might inflict these punishments to the greatest extremity, and they would neither run, cry, nor flinch. Indeed, neither the crimes nor the punishments are esteemed so infamous, Magnalia, B.VI. p. 51.

among the Indians, as to gro^n or shrink under suffering. Book I. The sachems were so absolute in their government, that ^x-v^/ they contemned the limited authority of the English gover- 1633. nors.

The Indians had no kind of coin; but they had a sort of Indian money, which they called wampum, or wampumpeag. It money. consisted of small beads, most curiously wrought out of shells, and perforated in the centre, so that they might be strung on belts, in chains and bracelets. These were of several sorts. The Indians in Connecticut, and in NewEngland in general, made black, blue and white wampum. Six of the white beads passed for a penny, and three of the black or blue ones for the same. The five nations made another sort, which were of a purple colour. The white beads were wrought out of the inside of the great conchs, and the purple out of the inside of the muscle shell. They were nyade perfectly smooth, and the perforation was done in the neatest manner. Indeed, considering that thp Intl'ans had neither knife, drill, nor any steel or iron instrument, the workmanship was admirable. After the English settled in Connecticut, the Indians strung these beads on belts of cloth, in a very curious manner. The squa.ws made caps of cloth, rising to a peak over the top of the head, and the fore part wa,s bjeautified with wampum, curiously wrought upon them. The six nations now weave and string them in broad belts, which they give in their treaties, as a confirmation of their speeches and the seals, of their friendship.*

The Indians of Connecticut and New-England, although consisting of a great number of different nations and clans, appear all to have spoken radically the same language. From Piscataqua to Connecticut, it was so nearly the same, that the different tribes could converse tolerably together.t The Mpheagan or Peqqot language was essentially that of all the Indians in New-England, and of a great part of the Indians in the United States-t The word Moheagans, is a corruption of Muhhekaneew, in the singular, or of Muhhekaneok in the plural number. Not only the natives of New-England, but the Penobscots, bordering on NovaScotia, the Indians of St. Francis, in Canada, the Delawares, in Pennsylvania, the Shawanese, on the Ohio, and the Chippewaus, at the westward of lake Huron, all spoke the same radical language. The same appears evident

*Colden's history, vol. i. p. 3,4,71,72. t Hutcliinson, vol. i. p. 479.

t Dr. Edwards' observations on the language of the Muhhekanccw Indiaos.

Book I. also with respect to the Ottowaus, Nanticooks, Munsees, s--v-^ Menomonees, Missifaugas, Saukies, Ottagaumies, KHlisti1633. noes, Nipegons, Algonkius, Winnebagoes and other Indians. The various tribes, who evidently spoke the same original language, had different dialects; yet, perhaps, they differed little more from each other, than the style of a Londoner now does from that of his great grandfather. The want of letters and of a sufficient correspondence between the several nations may well account for all the variations to be found among the natives in New-England, and between them and the other tribes which have been mentioned. All the New-England Indians expressed the pronouns both substantive and adjective by prefixes and suffixes, or by letters or syllables added at the beginnings or ends of their nouns.§ In this respect there is a remarkable coincidence between this and the Hebrew language, in an instaace in which the Hebrew entirely differs from all the ancient and modern languages of Europe. Affinity of From tnjs affinity of the Indian language, with the HeIndHp-" brew> from their anointing their heads with oil, their danr hrew Jan- cing in their devotions, their excessive bowlings and guagee. mourning for their dead, their computing time by nights and moons, their giving dowries to their wives, and causing their women at certain seasons to dwell by themselves, and some other circumstances, the famous Mr. John Eliot, the Indian apostle, was led to imagine that the American Indians were the posterity of the dispersed Israelites.* They used many figures and parables in their discourses, and some have reported that, at certain seasons, they used no knives, and never brake the bones of the creatures which they eat. It has also been reported, that in some of their songs the word Hallelujah might be distinguished.! The Indian language abounds with guttcrals and strong aspirations, and their words are generally of a great length,} which render it peculiarly bold and sonorous. The Indian speeches, like those of the eastern nations, generally were adorned with the most bold and striking figures, and have not been inferior to any which either the English or French have been able to make to them. The Indians in general, throughout the continent, were much given to speech making. As eloquence and war were, with, them, the foundations of all consequence, the whole force of their Book I. geniu's was directed to these acquisitions. In council, v-x-s^-^/ their opinions were always given in set speeches ; and to 16.33. persons whom they highly respected, it was not unusual, on meeting and parting, or on matters of more than common importance, to address their compliments and opinions in formal harangues. The Indians commonly spake with an unusual animation and vehemence.

4 Dr. Edwards' observations on the Indian language.

* Magnalrab. iii. p. 192, 193. tUulchinson vol. i. p. 478.

t Nuounatchekodtantamoonganunonash was a single word, which in English, signifies, Our lu»ts. Noowomantamraoonkanunnonnash was another, signifying, Our loves. KummogkodonattooUummooctiteaongannunnonash was another, expressing no more than, Our question. Magnolia n, iii. p. 193.

The Indians in New-England, rarely if ever admitted L and R <he letters L and R into their dialect; but the Mohawks, .not usej whose language was entirely different, used them both. j"a^j" Some of the western Indiana, who speak the same language lect of N. radically, with the Moheagans, use the L. The Mohea- England, gan language abounds with labials, but the Mohawk differs entirely from this, and perhaps from every other, in this respect, that it is wholly destitute of labials. The Mohawks esteemed it a laughable matter indeed, for men to shut their mouths that they might speak.*

The Indians in Connecticut, and in all parts of New- Burial of England, made great lamentations at the burial of their **"* dead' dead. Their manner of burial was to dig holes in the ground with stakes, which were made broad and sharpened at one end. Sticks were laid across the bottom, and the corpse, which was previously wrapped in skins and mats, was letdown upon them. The arms, treasures, utensils, paint and ornaments of the dead, were buried with them, and a mound of earth was raised upon the whole. In some instances the Indians appear to have used a kind of embalming, by wrapping the corpse in large quantities of a strong scented red powder.t In some parts of NewEngland, the dead were buried in a sitting posture with their faces towards the east. The women on these occa- Mourning, sions painted their faces with oil and charcoal, and while the burial was performing, they, with the relatives of the dead, made the most hideous shrieks, bowlings and lamentations. Their mourning continued, by turns, at night and in the morning, for several days. During this term all the relatives united in bewailing the dead.

When the English began the settlement of Connecticut, Indians of all the Indians both east and west of Connecticut river, Connectiwere tributaries, except the Pequots, and some few tribes <-ut.tnbu' which were in alliance with them. The Pequots had spread their conquests over all that part of the state east of (he river. They had also subjugated the Indians on the sea coast, as far eastward as Guilford. Uncas therefore,

* Golden'* history vol. i. p. 16. t Neal's history N. E. vol. ii p. 29,

Book I. after the Pequots were conquered, extended his claims as v«*-v-^ far as Hammonasset, in the eastern part of that township.* 1633. The Indians in these parts were therefore tributaries to the Pequots.

The Mohawks had not only carried their conquests as* far southward as Virginia, but eastward, as far as Connecticut river. The Indians therefore, in the western parts of Connecticut, were their tributaries. Two old Mohawks, every year or two, might be seen issuing their orders and collecting their tribute, with as much authority and haughtiness as a Roman dictator.

It is indeed difficult to describe the fear of this terrible nation, which had fallen on all the Indians in the western

Grts of Connecticut. If they neglected to pay their trite, the Mohawks would come down against them, plunder, destroy, and carry them captive at pleasure. When they made their appearance in the country, the Connecticut Indians would instantly raise a cry from bill to hill, a Mohawk! a Mohawk ! and fly like sheep before wolvesy without attempting the least resistance.! The Mohawks would cry out, in the most terrible manner, in their language, importing " We are come, we are come, to suck yodr blood."{ When the Connecticut Indians could not escape to their forts, they would immediately flee to the English houses for shelter, and sometimes the Mohawks would pursue them so closely as to enter with them, and kill them in the presence of the family. If there was time to shut the doors they never entered by force, nor did they, upon any occasion, do the least injury to the English. Wliety they came into this part of the country for war, they used their utmost art to keep themselves undiscovered. They would conceal themselves in swamps and thickets, watching their opportunity, and all on a sudden, rise upon their enemy and kill or captivate them, before they had time to make any resistance.

Mohawks About the time when the settlement of New-Haven comj"irPr"e menced, or not many years after, they came into Connecaet"SU ticut, and surprised the Indian fort at Paugusset. To prevent the Connecticut Indians from discovering them, and that not so much as a track of them might be seen, they marched in the most secret manner, and when they came near the fort travelled wholly in the river. Secreting themselves near the fort, they watched their opportunity, and suddenly attacking it. with their dreadful yellings and violence, they soon took it by force, and killed and caplivatcd whom they pleased. Having plundered and des- Book I. troyed, at their pleasure, they returned to their castles, >^-^-w west of Albany. 1633.

* Manuscripts of Mr. Rujgles. t Colflftn's history vol. i. p. 3. J Wood's prospect of N. England.

As the Indians in Connecticut were slaughtered and op- Motive* pressed, either by the Pequots or Mohawks, they were {JdUiCljS generally friendly to the settlement of the English among an* to '" them. They expected, by their means, to be defended permit the against their terrible and cruel oppressors. They alsoEn^lish found themselves benefited by trading with them. They j^,',* furnished themselves with knives, hatchets, axes, hoes, kettles and various instruments and utensils which highly contributed to their convenience. They could, with these, perform more labor in one hour or day, than they could in many days without them. Besides, they found that they could exchange an old beaver coat, or blanket, for two or three new ones of English manufacture. They found a much better market for their furs, corn, peltry, and all their vendible commodities.

The English were also careful to treat them wHth justice and humanity, and to make such presents to their sachems and great captains, as should please and keep them in good humor.

By these means, the English lived in tolerable peace with all the Indians in Connecticut, and New-England, except the Pequots, for about forty years.

The Indians, at their first settlement, performed manyfmlian acts of kindness towards them. They instructed them in the manner of planting and dressing the Indian corn. They carried them upon their backs, through rivers and waters ; and, as occasion required, served them instead of boats and bridges. They gave them much useful information respecting, the country, and when the English or their children were lost in the woods, and were in danger of perishing with hunger or cold, they conducted them to their wigwams, fed them, and restored them to their families and parents. By selling them corn, when pinched with famine, they relieved their distresses and prevented their perishing in a strange land and uncultivated wilderness.

CHAPTER IV.

The people at Dorchester, Walertovon a.nd Ntwtomn, finding themselves straitened in the Massachusetts, determine to remove to Connecticut. Debates in Massachusetts relative to their removal. The general court at first prohibited it, but afterwards gave its consent. The people removed and settled the towns of Windsor, Hartford and Weathergfield. Hardships and losses of the first winters.

SUCH numbers were constantly emigrating to NewEngland, in consequence of the persecution of the puritans, that the people at Dorchester, Watertown and Newtown, began to be much straitened, by the accession of new planters. By those who had been at Connecticut, they had received intelligence of the excellent meadows upon the river: they therefore determined to remove, and once more brave the dangers and hardships of making settlements in a dreary wilderness.

May. Upon application to the general court for the enlarge

ment of their boundaries, or for liberty to remove, they, at first, obtained consent for the latter. However, when it was afterwards discovered, that their determination was ie plant a new colony at Connecticut, there arose a strong opposition ; so that when the court convened in September, thfere was a warm debate on the subject, and a great division between the houses. Indeed, the whole colony was affected with the dispute. Arguments jjr_ Hooker, who was more engaged in the enterprise iagi^Con-lnan tne other ministers, took up the affair and pleaded for Iim * tit. the people. He urged, that they were so straitened for accommodations for their cattle, that they could not support the ministry, neither receive, nor assist any more of their friends, who might come over to them. He insisted that the planting of towns so near together was a fundamental error in their policy. He pleaded the fertility and happy accommodations of Conncecticut : That settlements upon the river were necessary to prevent the Dutch and others Jrom possessing themselves of so fruitful and important a part of the country ; and that the minds of the people were strongly inclined to plant themselves there, in preference to every other place, which had come to their knowledge.

Ar?tim*ni* Qn tnc other side it was insisted, That in point of conagawst it. sc;ence they ought not to depart, as they were united to

the Massachusetts as one body, and bound by oath to seek Book I. the good of that commonwealth: and that on principles of ''-v-*^ policy it could not, by any means, be granted. It was 1634. pleaded, that as the settlements in the Massachusetts were »ew and weak, they were in danger of an assault from their enemies : That the departure of Mr. Booker and the people of those towns, would not only draw off many fromtho Massachusetts, but prevent others from settling in the colony. Besides, it was said, that the removing of a candlestick was a great judgment: That by suffering it they should expose their brethren to great danger, both from the Dutch and Indians. Indeed, it was affirmed that they might be accommodated by the enlargements offered them by the other towns.

After a long and warm debate, the governor, two assistajjts, and a majority of the representatives, were for granting liberty for Mr. Hooker and the people to transplant themselves to Connecticut. The deputy-governor however and six of the assistants were in the negative, and so no vote could be obtained.*

This made a considerable ferment, not only in the general court, but in the colony, so that Mr. Cotton was desired to preach on the subject to quiet the court and the people of the colony. This also retarded the commencement of the settlements upon the river. Individuals, however, were determined to prosecute the business, and mads preparations effectually to carry it into execution.

It appears, that some of the Watertown people came

this year to Connecticut, and erected a few huts at Py

quag, now Weathersfield, in which a small number of men made a shift to winter.!

While.the colonists were thus prosecuting the business May 3, of settlement, in New-England, the right honourable James, Marquis of Hamilton, obtained a grant from the council of Plymouth, April 2Qth, 1635, of all that tract of country which lies between Connecticut river and Narraganset river and harbour, and from the mouths of each of said rivers northward sixty miles into the country. However, by reason of its interference with the grant to the lord Say and Seal, lord Brook, &c. or for some other reason, the deed was never executed. The Marquis made no settlement upon the land and the claim became obsolete.

The next May, the Newtown people, determining to settle at Connecticut, renewed their Application to the gene* Book I. ral court, and obtained liberty to remove to any place

* Winlhrop's Journal, p. 70.

t This is the tradition, and the R«v. Mr. Meeks of Weathersfield in h<} manuscripts says, Weatherslkldis the oldest town on tbe river.

v^-v-x ^ which they should choose, with this proviso, that they

1635. should continue under the jurisdiction of the Massachu

setts-t

pj>fc* m*rv . A number of Mr. Warham's people came this summer

into Connecticut, and made preparations to bring their families, and make a permanent settlement on the river. The Watertown people gradually removed, and prosecuted their settlement at \Veathersfield. At {he same time, the planters at Ncwtown began to make preparations lor removing to Hartford the next spring.

Meanwhile, twenty men arrived in Massachusetts, sent over by Sir Richard Saltonstall, to take possession of a great quantity of land in Connecticut, and to make settlements under the patent of lord Say and Seal, with whom he was a principal associate. The vessel in which they came over, on her return to England, in the fall, was cas$ away on the isle Sable.t

August. As the Dorchester men had now set down at Connecticut, near the Plymouth trading house, governor Bradford < wrote to them, complaining of their conduct, as injurious to the people of Plymouth, who had made a fair purchase of the Indians, and taken a prior possession.*

The Dutch also, alarmed by the settlements making in Connecticut, wrote to Holland for instructions and aid, to drive the English from their settlements upon the river.t

The people at Connecticut having made such preparaOct. 15th, *ions as were judged necessary to effect a permanent set<he plan- tlement, began to remove their families and property. On iers on the the fifteenth of October, about sixty men, women, and chilmove their dren, with their horses, cattle, and swine, commenced their families to journey from the Massachusetts, through the wilderness, Connects- to Connecticut river. After a tedious and difficult journey, through swamps and rivers, over mountains and rough ground, which were passed with great difficulty and fatigue, they arrived safely at the places of their respective destination. They were so long on their journey, and so much time and pains were spent in passing the river, and in getting over their cattle, that, after all their exertions, winter came upon them before they were prepared. This was an occasion of great distress and damage to the plantations.

Oct. cth, Nearly at the same time, Mr. John Winthrop, son of thropar- ^overnor Winthrop, of Massachusetts, arrived at Boston, rive' at with a commission from lorti Say and Seal, lord Brook, and other noblemen and gentlemen interested in the Con- Book I. necticut patent, to erect a fort at the mouth of Connecticut N^v"^ river. Their lordships sent over men, ordnance, ammuni- 1635. tion, and 2000 pounds sterling, for the accomplishment of their design. J

Boston J Winthrop's Journal, p. 82. t WinJhrop's Journal, p. 83 and 89.

* Uiuthrop's Journal, p. 86. t The same, p. 86.

Mr. Winthrop was directed, by his commission, immedi- m, com. ately on his arrival, to repair to Connecticut, with fifty able mission. men, and to erect the fortifications, and to build houses for the garrison, and for gentlemen who might come over into Connecticut. They were first to build houses for their then present accommodation, and after that, such as should he suitable for the reception of men of quality. The latter were to be erected within the fort. It was required that the planters, at the beginning, should settle themselves near the mouth of the river, and set down in bodies, that they might be in a situation for entrenching and defending themselves. The commission made provision for the reservation of a thousand or fifteen hundred acres of good land, for the maintenance of the fort, as nearly adjoining to it as might be with convenience.*

Mr. Winthrop, having intelligence that the Dutch were preparing to take possession of the mouth of the rivfr, as M°V winsoon as he could engage twenty men, and furnish them thrcp di«with provisions, dispatched them in a smnll vessel, ofaboutl'atched thirty tons, to prevent their getting the command of the ^onnectiriver, and to accomplish the service to which he had been Cut. appointed.

But a few days after the party, sent by Mr. Winthrop, arrived at the mouth of the river, a Dutch vessel appeared off the harbor, from New-Netherlands, sent on purpose to take possession of the entrance of the river, and to erect Dutch not fortifications. The English had, by this time, mounted two suffered to pieces of cannon, and prevented their landing.! Thus,land> providentially, was this fine tract of country preserved for our venerable ancestors, and their posterity.

Mr. Winthrop was appointed governor of the river Connecticut, and the parts adjacent, for the term of one year. He erected a fort, built houses, and made a settlement, according to his instructions. One David Gardiner, an expert engineer, assisted in the work, planned the fortifications, and was appointed lieutenant of the fort.

Mr. Davenport and others, who afterwards settled NewHaven, were active in this affair, and hired Gardiner, in behalf of their Iqrdships, to come into New-England, and assist in this 1 nisincss. i

t Winthrop's Journal, p. 88. * Appendix, No. II.

T Winthrop's Journal, p. 90, 91. J Manuscripts of Gardiner,

Book I. As the settlement of the three towns on Connecticut river <^~v^*s was begun before the arrival of Mr. Winthrop, and the de1635. sign of their lordships to make plantations upon it was Agreement known, it was agreed, that the settlers on the river should respecting either remove, upon full satisfaction made, by their lorder» In Con s^'Psj °r else sufficient room should be found for them and necticut., their companies at some other place.t

The winter set in this year much sooner than usual, and the weather was stormy and severe. By the 15th of November, Connecticut river was frozen over, and the snowwas so deep, and the season so tempestuous, that a considerable number of the cattle, which had been driven on from the Massachusetts, could not be brought across the river. The people had so little time to prepare their huts and houses, and to erect sheds and shelters for their cattle, that the sufferings of man and beast were extreme. Indeed, the hardships and distresses of the first planters of Connecticut scarcely admit of a description. To carry much provision or furniture through a pathless wilderness, was impracticable. Their principal provisions and household furniture were, therefore, put on board several small vessels, which, by reason of delays and the tcmpestuousness of the season, were either cast away or did not arrive. Several vessels were wrecked on the coasts of New-England, by the violence of the storms. Two shallops laden with goods, from Boston to Connecticut, in October, were cast away on Brown's island, near the Gurnet's nose ; and the men, with every thing on board, were lost.} A vessel, with six of the Connecticut people on board, which sailed from the river for Boston, early in November, was, about the middle of the month, cast away in Manamet bay. Tho men got on shore, and, after wandering ten days in deep snow and a severe season, without meeting with any human being, arrived, nearly spent with cold and fatigue, at New-Plymouth.

By the last of November, or beginning of December, Provis'ons generally failed in the settlements on the river, and famine and death looked the inhabitants sternly in the face. Some of them, driven by hunger, attempted their way, in this severe season, through the wilderness, from Connecticut to Massachusetts. Of thirteen, in one company, who made this attempt, one, in passing the rivers, fell through the ice, and was drowned. The other twelve were ten days on their journey, and would all have perished, had it not been for the assistance of the Indians. Indeed, such was the distress in general that, by the 3d Winthrop'e Journal, p., 88. L Thewi^e, p. 87.

November.

Famine in

cut, the 16th.

Arrived in Massachusetts, fte 26th.

and 4th of December, a considerable part of the new set- Book I. tiers were obliged to abandon their habitations. Seventy ^~v^*s persons, men, women, and children, were necessitated, in 1635. the extremity of winter, to go down to the mouth of the December river, to meet their provisions, as the only expedient to ^ or . preserve their lives. Not meeting with the vessels which they expected, they all went on board the Rebecca, a vessel of about 60 tons. This, two days before, was frozen in twenty miles up tRe river; but by the falling of a small rain and the influence of the tide, the ice became so broken and was so far removed, that she made a shift to get out. She ran, however, upon the bar, and the people were forced Dec. 10th. to unlade her, to get her off. She was reladen, and, in five days, reached Boston. Had it not been for these providential circumstances, the people must have perished with famine.

The people who kept their stations on the river suffer- The tet

cd in an extreme degree. After all the help they were uera ate , ,t i. i_ i_ j r . i j- " L acorns and

able to obtain, by hunting, and from the Indians, they were grains.

obliged to subsist on acorns, malt and grains.*

Numbers of the cattle, which could not be got over the river before winter, lived through without any thing but what they found in the woods and meadows. They wintered as well, or better, than those which were brought over, and for which all the provision was made, and pains taken, of which the owners were capable. However, a great number of cattle perished. The Dorchester, or Wind- Lok in j.or people lost, in this single article, about two hundred cattle-, pounds sterling. Their other losses were very considerable.

It is difficult to describe, or even to conceive, the apprehensions and distresses of a people, in the circumstances of our venerable ancestors, during this doleful winter. AH the horrors of a dreary wilderness spread themselves around them.- They were encompassed with numerous, fierce and cruel tribes of wild and savage men, who could have swallowed up parents and children, at pleasure, in their feeble and distressed condition. They had neither Iiread for themselves, nor children ; neither habitations nor clothing convenient for them. Whatever emergency might happen, they were cut off, both by land and water, from any succour or retreat. What self-denial, firmness, and magnanimity are necessary for such enterprises! How distressful, in the beginning, was the condition of those now fair and opulent towns on Connecticut river!

For a few years after the settlements on the river com* Wiothrop'i Journal, p. 90, 91, to 98.

Book I. menced, they bore the same name with the towns in tho M^-v-^-/ Massachusetts, whence the first settlers came. 1636. The Connecticut planters, at first settled under the general government of the Massachusetts, but they held courts of their own, which consisted of two principal men from each town; and, on great and extraordinary occasions, these were joined with committees, as they were called, consisting of three men from each town. These courts had power to transact all the common affairs of the colony, and with their committees, had the power of making war and peace, and treaties- of alliance and friendship with the natives within the colony.

First court The first court in Connecticut, was holden at Newtown, !" C>Tcc: April 26th, 1636. It consisted of Roger Ludlow, Esq. is. ' Mr. John Steel, Mr. William Swain, Mr. William Phelps, Mr. William Westwood, and Mr. Andrew Ward. Mr. Ludlow had been one of the magistrates of Massachusetts in 1630, and in 1631 had been chosen lieutenant-governor of that colony. At this court it was ordered, that the inhabitants should not sell arms nor ammunition to the Indians. Various other affairs were also transacted relative to the good order, settlement, and defence of these infant towns.*

People re- Several of the principal gentlemen interested in the setturn to tlement of Connecticut, Mr. John Haynes, who at this il-oleou" time was governor of Massachusetts, Mr. Henry Wolcott, Mr. Wells, the ministers of the churches, and others had not yet removed into the colony. As soon as the spring advanced, and the travelling would admit, the hardy men began to return from the Massachusetts, to their habitations on the river. No sooner were buds, leaves and grass so grown, that cattle could live in the woods, and obstructions removed from the river, so that vessels could go up with provisions and furniture, than the people began to return in large companies, to Connecticut. Many, who had not removed the last year, prepared, with all convenient dispatch, for a journey to the new settlements upon the river.

Mr. Hook- About the beginning of June, Mr. Hooker, Mr. Stone,

*r removes and about a hundred men, women and children, took their

to Connec- departure from Cambridge, and travelled more than a

June. hundred miles, through a hideous and trackless wilderness,

to Hartford. They had no guide but their compass; made

their way over mountains, through swamps, thickets, and

rivers, which were not passable but with great difficulty.

They had no cover but the heavens, nor any lodgings but those which simple nature afforded them. They drove Book I. with them a hundred and sixty head of cattle, and by the v-*~v^*s way, subsisted on the milk of their cows. Mrs. Hooker 1636. was borne through the wilderness upon a litter. The people generally carried their packs, arms, and some utensils; They were nearly a fortnight on their journey.

'f Records of Connecticut.

This adventure was the more remarkable, as many of this cotnpany were persons of figure, who had lired, in England, in honor, affluence and delicacy, and were entire strangers to fatigue and danger.

The fanions Mr. Thomas Shepard, who, with his people, came into New-England the last summer, succeeded Mr. Hooker at Cambridge. The people of his congregation purchased the lands which Mr. Hooker and his company had previously possessed.

The removal of Dorchester people to Windsor is said to Mr. Mavhave been disagreeable to their ministers, but, as their erick died whole church and congregation removed, it was necessary

that they should go with them. However, Mr. Maverick died in March, before preparations were made for his removal. He expired in the 60th year of his age. He was characterized as a man of great meekness, and as laborious and faithful in promoting the welfare both of the church and commonwealth.

Mr. Warham removed to Windsor in September, but he did not judge it expedient to bring his family until better accommodations could be made for their reception. Soon after the removal of Mr. Warham from Dorchester, a new church was gathered in that town, and Mr. Mather was ordained their pastor.

Mr. Phillips, pastor of the church at Watertown, did not remove to Weathersfield. Whether it was against his inclination, or whether the people did not invite him, does not appear. They chose Mr. Henry Smith for their minister, who came from England in office.

The colony of New-Plymouth professed themselves to Plymouth be greatly aggrieved at the conduct of the Dorchester peo- people pie, in settling on the lands, where they had made a pur- a|5rieyr chase, and where they had defended themselves and that6 . part of the country against the Dutch. They represented that it had been a hard matter that the Dutch and Indians had given them so much trouble as they had done, but that it was still more grievous to be supplanted by their professed friends. Mr. Winslow of Plymouth, made a journey to Boston, in the spring, before governor Haynes and some other principal characters removed to Connecticut, with a view to obtain compensation for the injury done to the

Book I. Plymouth men, who had built the trading house upon the

v-x-v-x^ river. The Plymouth people demanded a sixteenth par? 1636. of the lands and 100 pounds as a compensation ; but the Dorchester people would not comply with their demands.* There however appeared to be so much justice, in making them some compensation, for the purchase they had made, and the good services which they had done, that some time after, the freeholders of Windsor gave them fifty pounds, forty acres of meadow, and a large tract of upland for their satisfaction.t

^ourt' At a court holden at Dorchester, it was ordered, that eve

ry town should keep a watch, and be well supplied with ammunition. The constables were directed to warn the watches in their turns, and to make it their care that they should be kept according to the direction of the court. They also were required to take care, that the inhabitants were well furnished with arms and ammunition, and kept in a constant state of defence. As these infant settlements were filled and surrounded with numerous savages, the people conceived themselves in danger when they lay down and when they rose up, when they went out and when they came in. Their circumstances were such, that it was judged necessary for every man to be a soldier.

September At a third court, therefore, holden at Watertown, an or

ut. dor was given, that the inhabitants of the several towns

should train once a month, and the officers were authorized to train those who appeared very unskilful more frequently, as circumstances should require. The courts were holden at each town by rotation, according to its turn.

Sprine- A settlement was made, this year, at Springfield, by Mr.

tied. ' " Pyuchcon and his company from Roxbury. This for about two years was united in government with the towns in Connecticut. In November, Mr. Pyncheon for the first time appears among the members of the court.

Govern- All the powers of government, for nearly three years.

mentat seem to have been in the magistrates, of whom two were appointed in each town. These gave all orders, and directed all the affairs of the plantation. The freemen appear to have had no voice in making the laws, or in any part of the government, except in some instances of general and uncommon concern. In these instances, committees were sent from the several towns. Juries were employed injury cases, from the first settlement of the colony. This was a summer and year of great and various labors, demanding ihe utmost exertion and diligence. Ma- Book I. ny of the planters had to remove themselves and effects \^-n/"^/ from a distant colony. At the same time, it was absolute- 1030. ly necessary, that they should turn the wilderness into gar- Labors »r dens and fields, that they should plant and cultivate the tlus ^:u-earth, and obtain some tolerable harvest, unless they would again experience the distresses and losses of the preceding year. These were too great, and too fresh in their memories, not to rouse all their exertion and forethought. It was necessary to erect and fortify their houses, and to make better preparations for the feeding arid covering of their cattle. It was of equal importance to the planters, not only to make roads for their particular convenience, but from town to town; that, on any emergency, they might fly immediately to each other's relief. It was with great difficulty that these purposes could be at first accomplished. The planters had not been accustomed to felling the groves, to clearing and cultivating new lands. They were strangers in the country, and knew not what kinds of grain would be most congenial with the soil, and produce the greatest profits, nor had they any experience how the ground must be cultivated, that it might yield a plentiful crop. They had few oxen, or instruments for husbandry. Every thing was to be prepared, or brought from a great distance, and procured at a dear rate. Besides all these labors and difficulties, much time was taken up in constant watchings, trainings, and preparations for the defence of themselves and children. The Pequots had, already, murdered a number of the English; some of the Indians, in Connecticut, were their allies; and they had maintained a great influence over them all. They were a treacherous and designing people; so that there could be no safety, but in a constant preparation for any emergency. Some of the principal characters, who undertook this great work of settling Connecticut, and were the civil and Fathers of religious fathers of the colony, were Mr. Haynes, Mr. Lud- Connectslow, Mr. Hooker, Mr. Warham, Mr. Hopkins, Mr. Wells,cut, Mr. Willis, Mr. Whiting, Mr. Wolcott, Mr. Phelps, Mr. Webster, and captain Mason. These, were of the first class of settlers, and all, except the ministers, were chosen magistrates or governors of the colony. Mr. Swain, Mr. Talcott, Mr. Steel, Mr. Mitchell, and others, were capital men. Mr. John Haynes, Mr. Hooker, Mr. Hopkins, Mr. Stone, Mr. George Wyllys, Mr. Wells, Mr. Whiting, Mr. Thomas Webster, and Mr. John Talcott, were all of Hartford. Mr. Ludlow, Mr. Henry Wolcott, Mr. Warham. Mr. William Phelps, and captain John Mason, were some

* Wintlirop's Journal, p. 96.

t Governor Wolcott's manuscripts compared with governor Winlhrop'* jourual.

Book I. of the principal planters of Windsor. Mr. William Swain, sx-v^/ Mr. Thurston Rayner, Mr. Henry Smith, Mr. Andrew 1636. Ward, Mr. Mitchell, and Mr. John Deming, were some of the chief men,-who settled the town of Weathersfield. These were the civil and religious fathers of the colony. They formed its free and happy constitution, were its legislators, and some of the chief pillars of the church and commonwealth. They, with many others of the same excellent character, employed their abilities and their estates for the prosperity of the colony.

While the three plantations on the river were making the utmost exertions fora permanent settlement, Mr. Winthrop was no less active, in erecting fortifications and convenient buildings at its entrance. Though he had, the last year, sent on one company after another, yet the season was so far advanced, and the winter set in so early, and with such severity, that little more could be done than just to keep the station. When the spring advanced, the works were, therefore, pressed on with engagedness. Mr. Winthrop and his people were induced, not only in faithfulness to their trust, but from fears of a visit from the Dutch, and from the state of that warlike people, the Pequots in. the vicinity, to hasten and complete them, with the utmost dispatch. A good fort was erected, and a number of houses were built. Some cattle were brought from the Massachusetts, for the use of the garrison. Small parcels of ground were improved, and preparations made for a comfortable subsistence, and good defence.

There were, at the close of this year, about two hundred and fifty men in the three towns on the river, and there were twenty men in the garrison, at the entrance of it, under the command of lieutenant Gardiner. The whole consisted, probably, of about eight hundred persons, or of a hundred and sixty or seventy families.

CHAPTER V. 1636.

The war with the Pequots, The origin of it. The murder f,f captains Stone and Norton ; of Mr. Oldham and others. Mr. Endicol's expedition against them. The Pequots kill a number of the garrison at the mouth of the river, and besiege the fort. Captain Mason is sent down from Connecticut with a reinforcement. The enemy make a descent on Wtathersfield; torture and mock the English. The court at Connecticut declares war against them, Captain Mason takes Mistic fort. Sassacus destroys his royal fortress, and flees to the westward. A second expedition is undertaken against the Pequots conjointly, by Massachusetts and Connecticut. Tlie great swamp fght. The Pequots subdued. Sassacus, flying to the Mohawks, was beheaded. The captivated and surviving Pequots, after the war, were given to the Moheagans, and Narragansets, and their name extinguished.

THE Indians in general, were ever jealous of the English, from the first settlement of New-England, and wished to drive them from the country. Various circumstances however, combined to frustrate their designs. The English, on their first settlement at New-Plymouth, entered into such friendly treaties with some of the principal tribes, and conducted themselves with such justice, prudence and magnanimity towards them and the Indians in general, as had the most happy influence to preserve the peace of the country. The animosities of the Indians among themselves, and their implacable hatred of each other, with their various separate interests, contributed to the same purpose. Some of them wished for the friendship and neighbourhood of the English, to guard them from one enemy, and others of them to protect them from another. All wished for the benefit of their trade; and it is prohable, that they had no apprehensions, at first, that a handful of people would ever overrun, and fill the country. It was therefore nearly sixteen years before they commenced open hostilities upon their English neighbours. But no sooner had they begun to trade and make settlements at Connecticut, than that great, spirited, and warlike nation, the Pequots, began to murder and plunder them, and to., .

* ^ , , .>> P . i * Murder ol

wound and kill their cattle. captains

In 1634, a number of Indians, who were not native Pe- stone and (juots, but in confederacy with them, murdered captain J^onl

Book I. Stone and captain Norton, with their whole crew, conv^~v-^ / sisting of eight men : they then plundered and sunk the IG34. vesset. Captain Stone was from St. Christopher's, in the West-Indies, and came into Connecticut river, with a view of trading at the Dutch house. After he had entered the river, he engaged a number of Indians to pilot two of his men up the river, to the Dutch : but night coming on, they went to sleep, and were both murdered by their Indian guides. The vessel, at night, was laid up to the shore. Twelve of those Indians, who had several times before been trading with the captain, apparently in an amicable manner, were on board. Watching their opportunity, when he was asleep, and several of the crew on. shore, they murdered him secretly in his cabin, and cast a covering over him, to conceal it from his men : they then fell upon them, and soon killed the whole company, except captain Norton. He had taken the cook room, and for a long time made a most brave and resolute defence. That he might load and fire with the greatest expedition, he had placed powder in an open vessel, just at band, which, in the hurry of the action, took fire, and so burned and Minded him, that he could make no further resistance. Thus, after all his gallantry, he fell with his:hapless companions. Part of the plunder was received by the Pcquots, and another part by the eastern Nchanticks. Sassacus and Ninigret, the sachems of those Indians, were both privy to the affair, and shared in the goods and articles taken from the vessel. It was supposed that the Indians had pre-concerted this massacre.*

The November following, the Pequots sent a messenger ThcPo- to Boston, to desire peace with the English. He made an s°°u de' offer of a great quantity of beaver skins and wampumpeag, '" e. to persuade the governor to enter into a league with them. The governor answered the messenger, that the Pequots must send men of greater quality than he was; and that he would then treat with them. The Pequots then sent two messengers to the governor, carrying a present, and earnestly soliciting peace. The governor assured them, that the English were willing to be at peace with them; but insisted, that, as they had murdered captain Stone and his men, they must deliver up the murderers, and make full compensation. The messengers pretended, that captain Stone had .used the Indians ill, and provoked them to kill him: that their sachem, who was concerned in the affair, had been killed by the Dutch, and that the Indians who perpetrated the murder, were all dead but two : and that * Mason's history, and Hubbajd's narrative.

if they were guilty, they would desire their sachem to de- Book I. liver them up to justice. They offered to concede all their \^->/-*»/ right at Connecticut river, if the English should desire to 1635. settle there ; and engaged to assist them as far as was in Treaty their power, in making their settlements. They also £ith promised that they would give the English four hundred lu fathoms of wampum, forty beaver, and thirty otter skins. After long and mature deliberation, the governor and his council entered into a treaty with them, on the conditions which they had proposer.t. The English were to send a vessel with cloths, to trade with them fairly, as with friends and allies.*

The reasons of their so earnestly soliciting peace, at this time, were, that the Narragansets were making war furiously upon them; and the Dutch, to revenge the injuries done them, had killed one of their sachems, with several of their men, and captivated a number more. They wished not, at this critical time, to increase the number of their enemies. They artfully suggested to their new allies, the governor and council of Massachusetts, their desire, that they would be mediators between them and the Narragansets. They also intimated their willingness, that part of the present which they were to send, might be given to them, for the purpose of obtaining a reconciliation. Such was the pride and stoutness of their spirits, and so much did they stand upon a point of honour, that though they wished for peace with their enemy, yet they would not directly offer any thing for that purpose. This treaty was signed by the parties, but hostages were not taken to secure the performance of the articles, and the Pequots never performed one of them. Whatever their designs were at that time, they afterwards became more and more mischievous, hostile and bloody.

The next year, John Oldham, .who had been fairly trading at Connecticut, was murdered near Block Island. He had with him only two boys and two Narraganset Indians. These were taken and carried off. One John Gallup, as he was going from Connecticut to Boston, discovered Mr. Oldham's vessel full of Indians, and he saw a canoe, having Indians on board, gft from her, laden with goods. Suspecting that they had murdered Mr. Oldham, he hailed them, but received no answer. Gallup was a bold man, and though he had with him but one man and two boys, he immediately bore down upon them, and fired duck shot so thick among them, that he soon cleared the deck. The Boor 1. Indians all got under the hatches. He then stood off, and v^«-v-x>> running down upon her quarter with a brisk galo, nearly 1636. overset her; and so frightened the Indians, that six of them leaped into the sea, and were drowned. He then, steered ofT again, and running down upon her a second time, bored her with his anchor, and raked her fore and aft with his shot. But the Indians kept themselves so close, that he got loose from her; and running down a third lime upon the vessel, he gave her such a shock, that five more leaped overboard, and perished, as the form'er had done. He then boarded the vessel, and took two of the Indians, and bound them. Two or three others, armed with swords/ in a little room below, could not be driven from their retreat. Mr. Oldham's corpse was found on board; the head split, and the body mangled in a barbarous manner. He was a Dorchester man, one of Mr. Warham's congregation. In these circumstances, Gallup, fearing that the Indians \vhom he had taken might get loose, especially if they were kept together, and havmg no place where he coura keep them apart, threw one of them overboard. Gallup and his company then, as decently as circumstances would permit,' put the corpse into the sea. They stripped the vessel, and took her rigging, and the goods which had not been carried off, on board their own. She was then taken in tow, with a view to carry her in; but the night coming on, and the wind rising^ Gallup was obliged to let her go adrift,and she was lost. The Indians who perpetrated the murder were principally the Block-Islanders, with a number of the Narragansets, to whom these Indians, at this time, were subject. Several of the Narraganset sachems were in the plot, and it was supposed that the Indians whom Oldiicim had with hinr, were in the conspiracy. Several of the murderers fled to the Pequots, and were protected by them.They were, therefore, considered as abettors of the murder.

* Winthrop's Journal, p. 73. compared u-ithIInbbard's narrative, p. 15, 16t 17.

Mr. Endi- The governor and council of Massachusetts, therefore, colt'*ex- tjle next year dispatched caiJtain Endicott, with ninety

poilition. . J ' I T > J

volunteers, to avenge these murders, unless the Indians should deliver up the murderers, and make reparation for the injuries which they had done. The Narraganset sachems sent home Mr. Oldham's two boys, and made such satisfaction, and gave such assurances of their good conduct, for the future, as the English accepted; but the other Indians made no compensation. Captain Endicott was, therefore, instructed to proceed to Block-Island, put (ho men to the sword, and take possession of the island. The women and children were to be spared. Thence he was to sail to the Pequot country, and demand of the Pequots Book L the murderers of captains Stone and Norton, and of the v-*~v>^ other Englishmen who were of their company. He was 1636. also to demand a thousand fathoms of wampum for dama* ges, and a number of their children for hostages, until the murderers should be delivered, and satisfaction made. If they refused to comply with these terms, he was directed to take it by force of amis. He had under him captains John Underbill and Nathaniel Turner. They sailed from Boston on the 25th of August. When he arrived at Block- Aug.,25. Island, forty or fifty Indians appeared on the shore, and opposed his landing ; but his men soon landed, and, after a little skirmishing, the Indians fled to the woods. The Indians secreted themselves in swamps, thickets, and fastnesses, where they could not be found. There were two plantations on the island, containing about sixty wigwams, some of which were very large and fair. The Indians had, also, about two hundred acres of corn. After the English had spent two days on the island, burning the wigwams, destroying their corn, and staving their canoes, they sailed for the Pequot country. When they had arrived in Pequot harbour, captain Endicott acquainted the Pequots with the design of his coming, demanded satisfaction for the murders which they had committed against the English, and compensation for the damages which they had done them. In a few hours, nearly three hundred of the Pequots collected upon the shore; but soon after they were fully informed of his business, they began to withdraw into the woods, and, instead of treating, answered him with their arrows, from the adjacent rocks and fastnesses. He landed his men on both sides of the harbour, burnt their wigwams, and destroyed their canoes, but made no spirited attack upon them, nor pursuit after them. As their corn was standing, no pains were taken for its destruction. They killed an Indian or two, and then returned to Boston. They all arrived on the 14th of September, unharmed ei-Sept. 14. ther by sickness or the sword.* Enough, indeed, had been done to exasperate, but nothing to subdue a haughty and warlike enemy.

Sassacus and his captains were men of great and inde- Views and pendent spirits ; they had conquered and governed the na- feelings of tions around them without controul. They viewed the Eng-SaMacu>lish as strangers and mere intruders, who had no right to the country, nor to controul its original proprietors, independent princes and sovereigns. They had made settlements in Connecticut without their consent, and brought » Wiuthrop's Journal, p. 105, 106, 107.

Book I. home the Indian kings whom they had conquered, and re<^-v^/ stored to them their authority and lands. They had built 1636. a fort, and Were making a settlement, without their approbation, in their very neighbourhood. Indeed, they had now proceeded to attack and ravage their country. They were now, therefore, all kindled into resentment and rage; they determined upon, and breathed npthing but war and revenge. They determined to extirpate, or drive all the English from New-England.

Potey of For this purpose, they conceived the plan of uniting the the Ve- Indians generally against them. They spared no art nor quott. pains to make peace with the Narragansets, and to engage them in the war against the English. They represented, that the English, who were merely foreigners, were overspreading the country, and depriving the original inhabitants of their ancient rights and possessions: that, unless effectual measures were immediately taken to prevent it, they would soon entirely dispossess the original proprietors, and become the lords of the continent. They insisted, that, by a general combination, they could either destroy, or drive them from the country. With great advantage did they represent the facility with which it might be effected. They said there would be no necessity ol coming to open battles: that, by killing their cattle, firing their houses, laying ambushes on the roads, in the fields, and wherever they could surprise and destroy them, they might accomplish their wishes. They represented, that, if the English xhould effect the destruction of the Pequots, Savage rp- they would also soon destroy the Narragansets. So just ven;je pre-and politic were these representations, that nothing but v*nts uo- tnaj tnirst for revenge which inflames the savage heart, could have resisted their influence. Indeed, it is said, that, for a time, the Narragansets hesitated.

The governor of Massachusetts, to prevent an union between these savage nations, and to strengthen the peace between the Narraganset Indians and the colony, sent for Miantonimoh, their chief sachem, inviting him to come to Boston. Upon this. Miantonimoh, with another of the Narraganset sachems, two of the sons of Canonicus, with a number of their men, went to Boston, and entered into the following treaty.

Treaty That there should be a firm peace between them and the

with the English, and their posterity : That neither party should

Narragan- majje pt.ace with the Pequots, without the consent of the

other: That they should not harbor the Pequots, and that

they should return all fugitive servants, and deliver over

to the English, or put to death, all murderers. The English were to give them notice, when they went out against Book I. the Pequots, and they were to furnish them with guides. v^-^^ It was also stipulated, that a free trade should be maintain- 1636. ed between the parties.

Captain Underbill and twenty men, appointed to rein- pequot* force the garrison at Saybrook, lying wind bound oft" Pe- fight in quot harbor, after Mr. Endicott's departure, a party oft|ie,rowa them went on shore to plunder the Pequots, and bring offdefeucc. their corn. After they had plundered a short time, and brought off some quantity of corn, the Pequots attacked them, and they fought a considerable part of the afternoon. At length, the enemy retired, and they returned to their boats. They had one man wounded, and imagined they killed and wounded several of the Indians.

About the beginning of October, the enemy, concealing themselves in the high grass, in the meadows, surprised five of the garrison at Saybrook, as they were carrying Susprise home their hay. One Butterfield was taken and tortured "^if"^, to death. The rest made their escape ; but one of them E " had five arrows shot into him. From this disaster, the place received the name of Butterfield's meadow.

Eight or ten days after, Joseph Tilly, a master of a small vessel, was captivated by the enemy, as he was going down Connecticut river. He came to anchor two or three i^taken' miles above the fort, and taking a canoe, and one man and tortu* with him, went a fowling. No sooner had he discharged redhis piece, than a large number of Pequots, arising from their concealment, took him, and killed his companion.. Tilly was a man of great spirit and understanding, and determined to show himself a man. The Indians used him in the most barbarous manner, first cutting off 1m hands, and then his feet, and so gradually torturing him to death. But as all their cruelties could not effect a groan, they pronounced him a stout man.

The enemy now kept up a constant watch upon the river, and upon the people at Saybrook. A house had been erected, about two miles from the fort, and six of the garrison were sent to keep it. As three of them were fowling, at a small distance from the house, they were suddenly attacked, by nearly a hundred Pequots. Two of them were taken. The other cut his way through them, sword in hand, and made his escape ; but he was wounded with

Before winter, the garrison were so pressed by the en emy, that they were obliged to keep almost wholly within wiu, in

* Hubbard's Narrative, TVtotbrop't Journal, and Maton's IJUtory of thr dtatt*. Fequot wkr.

Book I. the reach of their guns. The Pequots razed all the out

V^-n^-x^ houses, burnt the stacks of hay, and destroyed almost eve1636. ry thing, which was not within the command of the fort. The cattle which belonged to the garrison, were killed and wounded. Some of them came home, with the arrows of the enemy sticking in them. Indeed, the fort was but itle better than in a state of siege, a great part of the winter. The enemy so encompassed it about, and watched all tlir motions of the garrison, that it was dangerous, at any time, to go out of the reach of the cannon.

When the spring came on, they became still more mischievous and troublesome. They kept such a constant watch upon the river, that men could not pass up and down, with any safety, without a strong guard. They waylaid the roads and fields, and kept Connecticut in a state of constant fear and alarm.

In March, lieutenant Gardiner, who commanded the fort ^"cl1 at Saybrook, going out with ten or twelve men, to burn the killed at'" niarshes, was waylaid by a narrow neck of land, and as Saybrook. soon as he had passed the narrow part of the neck, the enemy rose upon him, and killed three of his men. The rest made their escape to the fort; but one of them was mortally wounded, so that he died the next day. The lieutenant did not escape without a slight wound. The enemy pursued them in great numbers, to the very fort, and compassed it on all sides. They challenged the English to come out and fight, and mocked them, in the groans, pious invocations, and dying language of their friends, whom they had captivated, when they were torturing them to death. They boasted, That they could kill English men " all one flies." The cannon loaded with grape shot were fired upon them, and they retired.

Some time after, the enemy, in a number of canoes, beset a shallop, which was going down the river, with three men on board. The men fought bravely, but were overpowered with numbers. The enemy shot one through the head with an arrow, and he fell overboard ; the other two were taken. The Indians ripped them up, from the bottom of their bellies to their throats, and cleft them down their backs : they then hung them up by their necks upon trees, by the side of the river, that as the English passed by, they might see those miserable objects of their venT geance.

The Pequots tortured the captives to death in the most cruel manner. In some, they cut large gashes in their flesh, and then poured embers and live coals into the wounds. When, in their distress, they groaned, and in a

Killed going down the rivef.

pious manner committed their departing spirits to their Re- Book I. deemer, these barbarians would mock and insult them in v^-v-v their dying agonies and prayers. 1637.

On the 21st of February, the court met at Newtown, and Feb. aist. letters were written to the governor of Massachusetts, rep- y°"j|0*j resenting the dissatisfaction of the court with Mr. Endicott's expedition, the consequences of which had been so distressful to Connecticut. The court expressed their desires that the colony of Massachusetts would more effectually prosecute the war with the Pequots.* It was also represented to be the design of Connecticut to send a force against them.

At this court it was decreed, that the plantation called Newtown, should be named Hartford; and that Waterown should be called Weathersfield. It was soon after decreed, that Dorchester should be called Windsor. Hartford was named in honor to Mr. Stone, who was born at Hartford, in England.

Captain Mason was soon after dispatched with twenty March. men, to reinforce the garrison at Say brook, and to keep the enemy at a greater distance. After his arrival at the fort, the enemy made no further attacks upon it, but appeared very much to withdraw from that quarter.

A party of them took a different route, and, in April, waylaid the people at Weathersfield, as they were going A ., into their fields to labour, and killed six men and three j'an,aee at women. Two maids were taken captive : besides, they Weatheni killed twenty cows, and did other damages to the inhabi-*e'd* tants.

Soon after this, captain Underbill, who had been appointed, in the fall preceding, to keep garrison at Saybrook, was sent from the Massachusetts, with twenty men, to reinforce the garrison. Upon their arrival at Saybrook, captain Mason and his men immediately returned to Hartford.

The affairs of Connecticut, at this time wore a most Gloomy gloomy aspect. They had sustained great losses in cattle and goods in the preceding years, and even this year they were unfortunate with respect to their cattle. They had no hay but what they cut from the spontaneous productions of an uncultivated country. To make good English meadow, was a work of time. The wild, coarse grass which the people cut, was often mowed too late, and bu< poorly made. They did not always cut a sufficient quantity, even of this poor hay. They had no corn, or provender, with which they could feed them: and, amidst the

* Wiothrap's journal, p. 123.

Boor I. multiplicity of affairs, which, at their first settlement, dev^-v-x^ manded their attention, they could not provide such shel1637. ters for them, as were necessary during the long and se^ vere winters of this northern climate. From an unio.n of these circumstances, some of their cattle were lost, and those which lived through winter, were commonly poor, and many of the cows lost their young. Notwithstanding all the exertions the people had made the preceding summer, they had not been able, in the multiplicity of theiraffairs, and under their inconveniences, to raise a sufficiency of provisions. Their provisions were not only very coarse, but very dear, and scanty. The people were not only inexperienced in the husbandry of the country, but they had but few oxen or ploughs.* They performed almost the whole culture of the earth with their hoes. This rendered it both exceedingly slow and laborious.

Every article bore a high price. Valuable as money was, at that day, a good cow could not be purchased under thirty pounds ; a pair of bulls or oxen not under forty pounds. A mare from England or Flanders, sold at thirty pounds; and Indian corn at about five shillings a bushel: labour, and other articles bore a proportionable price.

'In addition to all these difficulties, a most insidious and dreadful enemy were now destroying the lives and property of the colonists, attempting to raise the numerous Indian tribes of the country against them, and threatened the utter ruin of the whole colony. The inhabitants were in a feeble state, and few in number. They wanted all their men at home, to prosecute the necessary business of the plantations. They had not a sufficiency of provisions for themselves: there would therefore be the greatest difficulty in furnishing a small army with provisions abroad. They could neither hunt, fish, nor cultivate their fields, nor travel at home, or abroad, but at the peril-of their lives. They were obliged to keep a constant watch by night and day ; to go armed to their daily labours, and to the public worship. They were obliged to keep a constant watch and guard at their houses of worship, on the Lord's day, and at other seasons, whenever they convened lor the public worship.. They lay down and rose up in fear and danger. If they should raise a party of men and send them to fight the enemy on their own ground, it would render the settlements proportionably weak at home, in case of an assault from the enemy. Every thing indeed appeared dark and

* It seems, that at this period there were but thirty ploughs in the whole colony of Massachusetts. Winthrop's journal, p. 114. It is not probabite that tliere were ten, perhaps not five, in Connecticut.

threatening. But nothing could discourage men, who had Book I. an unshaken confidence in the divine government, and ^~*^~' were determined to sacrifice every other consideralion, for 1637. the enjoyment of the uncorrupted gospel, and the propagation of religion and liberty in America.

la this important crisis, a court was summoned, at Hart- Court ford, on Monday the 1 st of May. As they were to dclib- May l8<crate on matters in which the lives of the subjects and the very existence of the colony were concerned, the towns for the first time, sent committees. The spirited measures adopted by this court, render the names of the members worthy of perpetuation. The magistrates were Roger Ludlow, Esq. Mr. Welles, Mr. Swain, Mr. Steel, Mr. Phelps and Mr. Ward. The committees were Mr. Whiting, Mr. Webster, Mr. Williams, Mr. Hull, Mr. Chaplin, Mr. Talcott, Mr. Geffords, Mr. Mitchel and Mr. Sherman.

The court, on mature deliberation, considering that the Pequots had killed nearly thirty of the English ; tbat they had tortured and insulted their captives, in the most horri- gainst the ble manner; that they were attempting to engage all the peluoUIndians to unite for the purpose of extirpating the English ; and the danger the whole colony was in, unless some capital blow could be immediately given their enemies, determined, that an offensive war should be carried on against them, by the three towns of Windsor, Hartford and Weathersfield. They voted, that 90 men should be raised forthwith ; 42 from Hartford, 30 from Windsor, and 18 from Weathersfield. Notwithstanding the necessities and poverty of the people, all necessary supplies were voted for this little army.* No sooner was this resolution adopted, than the people prosecuted the most vigorous measures, to carry it into immediate and efTcctual execution.

The report of the slaughter and horrid cruelties prac- Ma«»atised by the Pequots, against the people of Connecticut, chunetts roused the other colonies to harmonious and spirited exer- *nd P|ymtions against the common enemy. Massachusetts deter- (""assist^ mined to send 200, and Plymouth 40 men, to assist Con- Connectinecticut in prosecuting the war. Captain Patrick with 40cutwen was sent forward, before the other troops, from Massachusetts and Plymouth, could be ready to march, with a view, that he might seasonably form a junction with the party from Connecticut.

On Wednesday, the 10th of May, the troops from Con- May loth necticut fell down the river, for the fort at Saybrook. They }£jj |,TMP3 consisted of 90 Englishmen and about 70 Moheagan and tfae river river Indians. They embarked on board a pink, a pin* Rerbrds of Connecticut.

Book 1. nace and a shallop. The Indians were commanded by \^-v>»/ Uncas, sachem of the Moheagans. The whole was com1637* manded by captain John Mason, who had been bred a soldier in the old countries. The Rev. Mr. Stone of Hartford went their chaplain. On Monday the 15th, the troops 15. arrived at Saybrook fort. As the water was low, this little fleet several times ran aground. The Indians, impatient of delays, desired to be set on shore, promising to join the English at Saybrook. The captain therefore granted their request. On their march, they fell in with of about forty of the enemy, near the fort, killed seven and Uncas. took one prisoner.

The prisoner had been a perfidious villain. He had livHisbarba- ecj in the for^ some time before, and could speak English ment'of his we"- But a^ter tne Pequots commenced hostilities against prisoner the English, he became a constant spy upon the garrison, and acquainted Sassacus with every thing he could discover. He had been present at the slaughter of all the English who had been killed at Saybrook. Uncas and his nien insisted upon executing him according to the manner of thei. ancestors ; and the English, in the circumstances in which they then wore, did not judge it prudent to interpose. The Indians, kindling a large fire, violently tore him limb from limb, Harbarously cutting his flesh in pieces, they handed it round from one to another, eating it, binding and dancing round the fire, in their violent and tu* multuous manner. The bones and such parts of their captive, as were not consumed in this dreadful repast, were committrd to the flames and burnt to ashes.

Iria'on"^ flt's success was matter of joy, not only as it was a his councit check ufion the enemy, but as it was an evidence of the divided iu fidelity of Uncas and his Indians, of which the English opinion. j,acj been before in doubt. There were other circumstances, however, which more than counterbalanced this joy. The army lay wind bound until Friday, and captain Mason and his officers were entirely divided in opinion, with respect to the manner of prosecuting their enterprise. The court, by the commission and instructions which it had given, enjoined the landing of the men at Prquot harbour, and that from thence they should advance upon the enemy. The raplain was for passing by them, and sailing to the .Xarraganset country. He was fixed in this opinion, tin- counri because he found that, expecting the army at Petjuot harbour, they kept watch upon the river night and day. Their number of men greatly exceeded his : He was informed, at Saybrook, that they had sixteen fire arms, with powder and shot.A The harbour was compassed with rocks

thickets, affording the enemy every advantage. They Book I. were upon the land, and exceedingly light of foot. He was v^-v^^ / therefore of the opinion, that they would render it very 1637. difficult and dangerous to land, and that he might sustain such loss, as would discourage his men and frustrate the design of the expedition. If they should make good their landing, he was sure that, while they directed their march through the country, to the enemy's forts, they would waylay and attack them, with their whole force, at every difficult pass. Beside, if they should find, on trial, that they were not able to defeat the English, they would run off to swamps and fastnesses, where they could not be found ; and they should not be able to effect any thing capital against them. He was not without hopes that, by going to Narraganset, he might surprise them. There was also some prospect, that the Narragansets would join him in the expedition, and that he might fall in with some part of the troops from Massachusetts.

His officers and men in general were for attending their instructions, and going at all hazards directly to the forts. The necessity of their affairs at home, the danger of the Indians attacking their families and settlements, in their absence, made them wjsh, at once to dispatch the business, on which they had been sent. They did not relish a long march through the wilderness. They also imagined that they might be discovered, even should they determine to inarch from Narraganset to the attack of the enemy. la this division of opinion, Mr. Stone was desired by the officers most importunately to pray for them, That their way might be directed, and that, notwitlManding the present embarrassment, the enterprise might be crowned with success.

Mr. Stone spent most of Thursday night in prayer, and Mr. Stone the next morning visiting captain Mason, assured him, that prays. he had done as he was desired ; adding, that he was entirely satisfied with his plan. ' The council was again called, and, upon a full view of all the reasons, unanimously agreed to proceed to Narraganset. It was also determined, that twenty men should be sent back to Connecticut, to strengthen the infant settlements, while the rest of the troops were employed in service against the enemy ; and, that captain Underbill, with nineteen men from the garrison at Saybrook fort, should supply their places.

On Friday, May 19th, the captain sailed for Narraganset bay, and arrived on Saturday at the desired port. On Monday, captain Mason and captain Underbill marched with a guard to the plantation of Canonicus, and ac1637.

Book I. quainted him with the design of their coming. A messenger was immediately dispatched to Miantonimoh, the chief sachem of the Narragansets, to acquaint him also with the expedition. The next day Miantonimoh met them, with his chief counsellors and warriors, consisting of about 20O men. Captain Mason certified him, that the occasion of his coming with armed men, into his country, was to avenge the intolerable injuries which the Pequots, his as well as their enemies, had done the English : and, that he desired a free passage to the Pequot forts. After a solemn consultation in the Indian ma-nner, Miantonim6h answered, That he highly approved of the expedition, and that he* would send men. He observed, however, that the English were not sufficient in number to fight with the enemy. He said the Pequots were great captains, skilled in war, and rather slighted the English. Captain Mason landed his men, and marched just at night to the plantation of Canonicus, which was appointed to be the place of general rendezvous. That night there arrived an Indian runner in the camp, with a letter from captain Patrick, who had arrived with his party at Mr. Williams' plantation in Providence. Captain Patrick signified his desire, that captain Mason would wait until he could join- him. Upon deliberation it was determined not to wait, though a junction wa.« greatly desired. The men had already been detained much longer than was agreeable to their wishes. When they had absolutely resolved the preceding day to marcR the next morning, the Indians insisted that they were but in jost; that Englishmen talked much, but would not fight. It was therefore feared, that any delay would have a bad effect upon them. It was also suspected that, if they did not proceed immediately, they.should be discovered, as there were a number of squaws who maintained an interc.ourse between the Pequot and Narragairset Indians. The army therefore, consisting of 77 Englishmen, 60 Moheagan and river Indians, and about 20ONarragansets, marched on Wednesday morning, and that day reached the eastern Nihaniicfe, about eighteen or twenty miles from the place of rendezvous the night before. This was a frontier to the Pequots, and was the seat of one of the Narraganset sachems. Here the army halted, at the close of the day. But the sachem and his Indians conducted themselves in a haughty manner toward the English, and would not suffer them to enter within their fort. Captain Mason therefore placed a strong guard round the fort; and as the Indians would not suffer him to enter it, he determined that none of them should come out. Knowing the perfidy of the Indian*.

Wednesday May SWth.

and that it was customary among them to suffer the near- Book I. est relatives of their greatest enemies to reside with them, ^~v^s he judged it necessary, to prevent their discovering him to 1637. the enemy.

In the morning, a considerable number of Miantonimoh's Thursday men came on and joined the English. This encouraged 25t!i. many of the Nihanticks also to join them. They soon formed a circle, and made protestations, how gallantly they would fight, and what numbers they would kill. When the army marched, the next morning, the captain had with him nearly 500 Indians. He marched twelve miles, to the ford in Pawcatuck river. The day was very hot, and the men, through the great heat, and a scarcity of provision, began to faint. The army, therefore, made a considerable halt, and refreshed themselves. Here the Narraganset Indians began to manifest their dread of the Pequots, and to enquire of captain Mason, with great anxiety, what were his real designs. He assured them, that it was his design to attack the Pequots in their forts. At this, they appeared to be panic-struck, and filled with amazement. Many of them drew olF, and returned to Narraganset. The army marched on about three miles, and came to Indian com fields ; and the captain, imagining that he drew near the enemy, made a halt: he called his guides and council, and demanded of the Indians how far it was to the forts. They represented, that it was twelve miles to Sassacus's fort, and that both forts were in a manner impregnable. Wequosh, a Pequot captain or petty sachem, who had revolted from Sassacus to the Narragansets, was the principal guide, and he proved faithful. He gave such information, respecting the distance of the forts from each other, and the distance which they were then at, from the chief sa-? chem's, as determined him and his officers to alter the resolution which they had before adopted, of attacking them both at once ; and to make a united attack upon that at Mistic. He found his men so fatigued, in marching through a pathless wilderness, with their provisions, arms, and ammunition, and so affected with the heat, that this resolution appeared to be absolutely necessary. One of captain Underhill's men became lame, at the same time, and began to fail. The army, therefore, proceeded directly to Mistic, and continuing their march, came to a small swamp between two hills, just at the disappearing of the day light. The officers, supposing that they were now near the fort, pitched their little camp, between or near two large rocks, in Groton, since called Porter's rocks. The men were faint and weary, and though the rocks were their piljows,

Book I. their rest was sweet. The guards and sentinels were con\^-v-^ / siderably advanced, in the front of the army, and heard 1637. the enemy singing, at the fort, who continued tiieir rejoicings even until midnight. They had seen the vessels pass the harbor, some days before, and had concluded, that the English were afraid, and had not courage to attack them. They were, therefore, rejoicing, singing, dancing, insulting them, and wearying themselves, on this account.

The night was serene, and, towards morning, the moon shone clear. The important crisis was now come, when the very existence of Connecticut, under providence, was to be determined by the sword, in a< single action ; and to be decided by the good conduct of less than eighty brave men. The Indians who remained, were now sorely dismayed, and though, at first, they had led the van, and boasted of great feats, yet were now all fallen back in the rear. Attack on About two hours before day, the men were roused with 'a" expedition, and briefly commending themselves and their cause to God, advanced immediately towards the fort. After a march of about two miles, they came to the foot of a large hill, where a fine country opened before them. The captain, supposing that the fort could not be far distant, sent for the Indians in the rear, to come up. Uncas and Wequosh, at length, appeared. He demanded of them where the fort was. They answered, on the top of the hill. He demanded of them where were the other Indians. They answered, that they were much afraid. The captain sent to them not to fly, but to surround the fort, at any distance they pleased, and see whether Englishmen would fight. The day was nearly dawning, and no time was now to be lost. The men pressed on, in two divisions, captain Mason to the north-eastern, and captain Underhill to the western entrance. As the object which they had been so long seeking, came into view, and while they reflected they were to fight not only for themselves, but their parents, wives, children, and the whole colony, the martial spirit kindled in their bosoms, and they were wonderfully animated and assisted. As captain Mason advanced within a rod or two of the fort, a dog barked, and an Indian roared out, Owanux! Owanux! That is, Englishmen ! Englishmen! The troops pressed on, and as the Indians were rallying, poured in upon them, through the pallisadoes, a general discharge of their muskets, and then wheeling off to the principal entrance, entered the fort sword in hand. Notwithstanding the suddenness of the attack, the blaze and thunder of their arms, the enemy made a manly and desperate resistance. Captain Maso« and his party, drove the Indians in the main street towards Book I. the west part of the fort, where some bold men, who had ^~^-^s forced their way, met them, and made such slaughter 1637. among them, that the street was soon clear of the enemy. They secreted themselves in and behind their wigwams, and taking advantage of every covert, maintained an obstinate defence. The captain and his men entered (he wigwams, where they were beset with many Indians, who took every advantage to shoot them, and lay hands upon them, so that it was with great difficulty that they could defend themselves with their swords. After a severe conflict, in which many of the Indians were slain, some of the English killed, and others sorely wounded, the victory still hung in suspense. The captain finding himself much exhausted, and out of breath, as well as his men, by the extraordinary exertions which they had made; in this critical state of the action, had recourse to a successful expedient. He cries out to his men, We Must Burn Them. He, immediately entering a wigwam, took fire, and put it inlo Fortbamt. the mats, with which the wigwams were covered. The lire instantly kindling, spread with such violence that all the Indian nouses were soon wrapped in one general (lame. As the fire increased, the English retired without (he fort, and compassed it on every side. Uncas and his Indians, with such of the Narragansets as yet remained, took courage, from the example of the English, and formed another circle in the rear of them. The enemy were now seized with astonishment, and forced, by the flames, from their lurking places, into open light, became a fair mark for the English soldiers. Some climbed the pallisadoes, and were instantly brought down by the fire of the English Ihust kets. Others, desperately sallying forth from their burning cells, were shot, or cut in pieces with the sword. Such terror fell upon them, that they would run back from the English, into the very flames. Great numbers perished in the conflagration.

The greatness and violence of the fire, the reflection of the light, the flashing and roar of the arms, the shrieks and yellings of the men, 'women and children, in the fort, and the shoutings of the Indians without, just at the dawning of the morning, exhibited a grand and awful scene. In a Six honlittle more than an hour this whole work of destruction <!r<>'i'"" was finished. Seventy wigwams were burnt, and five or six hundred Indians perished, either by the sword, or in the flames.* A hundred and fifty warriors had been sent

* Captaia Mason, in his history, says six or seven hundred. From the number of Wigwams, and the reinforcement, the probability is, that aboui . i> hundred were destroyed.

Book I. on, (he evening before, who, that very morning, were to

\_*-v-x^ have gone forth against the English. Of these, and all

1637. who belonged to the fort, seven only escaped, and seven

were made prisoners. It had been previously concluded

not to burn the fort, but to destroy the enemy, and take

the plunder; but the captain afterwards found it the only

expedient to obtain the victory, and save his men. Thus

parents and children, the sannup and squaw, the old man

and the babe, perished in promiscuous ruin.

Danger Though the victory was complete, yet the army were in and di»- great danger and distress. The men had been exceedingtress of ihe ly fatigued, by the heat, and long marches through rough armjr- and difficult places ; and by that constant watch and guard which they had been obliged to keep. They had now been greatly exhausted, by the sharpness of the action, and the exertions which they had been necessitated to make. Their loss was very considerable. Two men were killed, and nearly twenty wounded. This was more than one quarter of the English. Numbers fainted by reason of fatigue, the heat, and want of necessaries. The surgeorv, their provisions, and the articles necessary for the wounded, were on board the vessels, which had been ordered to sail from the Narraganset bay, the night before, for Pequot harbour; but there was no appearance of them in the sound. They were sensible that, by the burning of the fort, and the noise of war, they had alarmed the country ; and therefore were inconstant expectation of an attack, by a fresh and numerous enemy from the other fortress, and from every quarter whence the Pequots might be collected. A number of the friendly Indians had been wounded, and they were so distracted with fear, that it was difficult even to speak with their guide and interpreter, or to knew any thing what they designed. The English were in an enemies country, and entire strangers to the way in which they must return. The enemy were far more numerous than themselves, and enraged to the highest degree. Another circumstance rendered their situation still more dangerous, their provisions and ammunition were nearly expended. Four or five men were so wounded that it was necessary to carry them, and they were also obliged to bear about twenty fire arms, so that not more than forty men could be spared for action.

After an interval of about an hour, while the officers were in consultation what course they should take, their ves'sels, as though guided by the hand of providence, to serve the necessities of these brave men, came full in view ; and, under a fair gale, were steering directly into the harbour. This, in the situation of the army at that Book I. time, was a most joyful sight. v^-v-^/

Immediately, upon the discovery of the vessels, about 1637. three hundred Indians came on from the other fort. Captain Mason, perceiving their approach, led out a chosen party to engage them, and try their temper. He gave them such a warm reception, as soon checked and put them to a stand. This gave him great encouragement, and he ordered the army to march for Pequot harbour. The enemy, upon this, immediately advanced to the hill, where the fort stood; and viewing the destruction which had been made, stamped and tore their hair from their The eneheads. After a short pause, and blowing themselves up to JJj-j *eaTMP' the highest transport of passion, they leaped down the hill their hair, after the army, in the most violent manner, as though they Pursue the were about to run over the English. Captain Underbill, English. who, with a number of the best men, was ordered to defend the rear, soon checked the eagerness of their pursuit, and taught them to keep at a more respectful distance. The friendly Indians who had not deserted, now kept close to the English, and it was believed that, after the enemy came on, they were afraid to leave them. The enemy pursued the army nearly six miles, sometimes shooting at a distance, from behind rocks and trees, and at other times, pressing on more violently, and desperately hazarding themselves in the open field.

That the English might all be enabled to fight, captam Mason soon hired the Indians to carry the wounded men and their arms. The English killed several of the enemy while they pursued them, but sustained no loss themselves. When they killed a Pequot, the other Indians would shout, run and fetch his head. At length, the enemy finding that they could make no impression upon the army, ana that wounds and death attended their attempts, gave over the pursuit.

The army then marched to the harbor, with their colors flying, and were received on board the vessels, with great mutual joy and congratulation.

In about three weeks from the time the men embarked at Hartford, they returned again to their respective habita- j0j in fions. They were received with the greatest exultation. ConneciiAs the people had been deeply aflectea with their danger,cutand full of anxiety for their friends, while nearly half the effective men in the colony were in service, upon so hazardous an enterprise, so sudden a change, in the great victory obtained, and in the safe return of so many of their children and neighbors, filled them with exceeding joy and thankfulness. Every family, and every worshipping assembly, spake the language of praise and thanksgiving.

Several circumstances attending this enterprise, were much noticed by the soldiers themselves, and especially by oil the pious people. It was considered as v.ery providential, that the army should march nearly forty miles, and a considerable part of-it in the enemies country, and not be discovered until the moment they were ready to commence the attack. It was judged remarkable, that the vessels should come into the harbour at the very hour in which they were most needed. The life of captain Mason was very signally preserved. As he entered a wigwam for fire to burn the fort, an Indian was drawing an arrow to the very head, and would have killed him instantly; but Davis, one of his sergeants, cut the bow siring with his cutlass, and prevented the fatal shot.* Lieutenant Bull received an arrow into a hard piece of cheese, which he had in his clothes, and by it was saved harmless. Two soldiers, John Dyer and Thomas Stiles, both servants of one man,, were shot in the knots of their neckcloths, and by them preserved from instant death.t

Few enterprises have ever been achieved with more personal bravery or good conduct. In few have so great a proportion of the effective men of a whole colony, state, or nation been put to so great and immediate danger. In few, have a people been so deeply and immediately interested, as the whole colony of Connecticut was in this, in that uncommon crisis. In these respects, even the great armaments and battles of Europe are, comparatively, of little importance. In this, under the divine conduct, by seventyseven brave men. Connecticut was saved, and the most warlike and terrible Indian nation in New-England, defeated and ruined.

The body of the Pequots,' returning from the pursuit of coptain Mason, repaired to Sassacus, at the royal fortress, and related the doleful story of their misfortunes. They charged them all to his haughtiness and misconduct, and threatened him, and his, with immediate destruction. His friends and chief counsellors interceded for him; and, at their inlreaty, his men spared his life. Then, upon consultation, they concluded, that they could not, with safety, remain any longer in the country. They were, indeed, so panic struck, that, burning their wigwams and destroying their fort, they fled and scattered into various parts of the country. Sassacus, Mononotto, and seventy or eighty of their chief counsellors and warriors, took their route towards Hudson's river.

Feqnots destroy their Tort and flee.

* Hubbard'a Narrative.

t Masou's History.

Just before captain Mason went out upon the expedition Book I against the Pequots, the Dutch performed a very neigh- <^^s^ bourly office for Connecticut. The two maids, who had 1637. been captivated at Weathersfield, had, through the human- Capiivn

ityand mediation of Mononotto's squaw, been spared from '"I
death, and kindly treated. The Dutch governor, receiv-re
ing intelligence of their circumstances, determined .to re-
deem them at any rate, and dispatched a sloop to Pequot
harbour for that purpose. Upon its arrival, the Dutch
made large offers for their redemption, but the Pequots
would not accept them. Finally, as the Dutch had a num-
ber of Pequots on board, whom they had taken, and finding
that they could do no better, they offered the Pequots six
of their own men for the two maids.* These they accept-
ed, and the Dutch delivered the young women at Say-
brook, just before captain Mason and his party arrived.
Of them he received particular information respecting the
enemy.

An Indian runner, dispatched by Mr. Williams, at Providence, soon carried the news of the success of Connecticut against the Pequots, to the governor of Massachusetts. The governor and his council, judging that the Pequots had received a capital blow, sent forward but a hundred and twenty men. These were commanded by Mr. Stoughton, and the Rev. Mr. Wilson, of Boston, was sent his Chaplain.

This party arrived at Pequot harbour the latter part of June. By the assistance of the Narraganset Indians, theJun«. party under captain Stoughton surrounded a large body of Pequots in a swamp. They took eighty captives. Thirty Pequot* wt:re men ; the rest were women and children. The men, taken. except two sachems, were killed, but the women and children were saved. t The sachems promised to conduct the English to Sassacus, and for that purpose were spared for the present.

The court at Connecticut ordered that forty men should Jane 26. be raised forthwith for the further prosecution of the war against the Pequots, to be commanded by captain Mason.

The troops from Connecticut made a junction with the party under the command of captain Stoughton, at Pequot. Mr. Ludlow, with other principal gentlemen from Connecticut, went also with the army, to advise with respect to the measures to be adopted in the further prosecution of the War. Upon general consultation, it was concluded to pursue the Pequots, who had fled to the westward. The

'. Winthrop's Journal, p. 128.

r Hnbbard's Narrative, p. 34, and Winthrop't Journal, p. 130, 132.

army marched immediately, and soon discovered the places, where the enemy had rendezvoused, at their several removes. As these were not far distant from each other, it appeared that they moved slowly, having their women and children with them. They also were without provisions, and were obliged to dig for clams, and to range the groves for such articles as they afforded. The English, found some scattering Pequots, as they scoured the country, whom they captivated, and from whom they obtained intelligence relative to the Pequots whom they were pursuing. But finding, ihat the sachems, whom they had spared, would give them no information, they beheaded them, on their march, at a place called Menunkatuck, since Guilford; from which circumstance, the spot on which the execution was done, bears the name of sachem's head to the present timo. In three days they arrived at New-Haven harbour. The vessels sailed along the shore while the troops marched by land. At New-Haven, then called Quinnipiack, a great smoke, at a small distance, wa£ discovered in the woods. The officers supposing, that they had now discovered the enemy, ordered the army immediately to advance upon them ; but were soon informed that they were not in that vicinity. The Connecticut Indians had kindled the fires whence the smoke arose. The troops soon embarked on board the vessels* After staying several days at New-Haven, the officers received intelligence from a Pequot, whom they had previously sent to moke discovery, that the enemy were at a considerable distance, in a great swamp, to the westward. Upon this information, the army marched with all possible dispatch to a great swamp, in Fairfield, where were eighty or a hundred Pequot warriors, and nearly two hundred other Indians. The swamp was such a thicket, so deep and boggy, that it was difficult to enter it, or make any movement without sinking in the mire. Lieutenant Davenport and others, rushing eagerly into it, were sorely wounded, and several were soon so deep in the mud, that they could not get out without assistance. The enemy pressed them so hard, that they were just ready to seize them by the hair of their head. A number of brave men were obliged to rescue them sword in hand. Some of the Indians were slain, and the men were drawn out of the mire. The swamp wars surrounded, and after a considerable skirmish the Indians desired a parley. As the officers were not willing to make a promiscuous destruction of men, women and children, .and as the sachem and Indians of the vicinity had1 fled into the swamp, though they had done the colonies no injury, a parley was granted. Thomas Stanton, a man well Book I. acquainted with the manners and language of the Indians, S_x-n^-^/ was sent to treat with them. He was authorized to offer 1C37, life to all the Indians who had shed no English blood. Upon this offer, the sachem of the place came out to the English, and one company of old men, women and children after another, to the number of about two hundred. The sachem of the place declared for himself and his Indians, that'they had neither shed the blood of the English nor done them any harm. But the Pequot warriors had too great a spirit to accept- of the offer of life, declaring, that they would fight it out. They shot their arrows at Stanton, and pressed so hard upon him, that the soldiers were obliged to fly to his rescue.* The fight was then renewed, the soldiers firing upon them whenever an opportunity presented. But by reason of an unhappy division Division among the officers, a great part of the enemy escaped. a"on8 the Some were for forcing the swamp immediately, but this0 cers was opposed, as too dangerous. Others were for cutting it down, as they had taken many hatchets, with which they were of the opinion it might be effected. Some others were for making a pallisado and hedge round it, but neither of these measures could be adopted.! As night came on, the English cut through a narrow part of it, by which the circumference was greatly lessened ; so that the soldiers, at twelve feet distance from each other, were able completely to compass the enemy. In this manner they enclosed and watched them until it was nearly morning. A thick fog arose just before day, and it became exceedingly dark. At this juncture, the Indians took the opportunity to break through the English. They made their first attempt upon captain Patrick's quarters, yelling in their hideous manner and pressing on with violence, but they were several times driven back. As the noise and tumult of war increased, captain Mason sent a party to assist captain Patrick. Captain Trask also marched to reinforce him. As the battle greatly increased, the siege broke up. Captain Mason marched to give assistance in the action. Advancing to the turn of the swamp, he found that the enemy were pressing out upon him; but he gave them so warm a reception, that they were soon glad to retire. While he was expecting that they would make another attempt upon him, they meed about, and falling violently on captain Patrick, broke through his quarters and fled. These were Enemj their bravest warriors, sixty or seventy of whom made escaP"' their escape. About twenty were killed, and one hundred * Hubbard's Narrative, p. 38. t Meson's history.

and eighty were taken prisoners. The English also took hatchets, wampum, kettles, trays and other Indian utensils.

The Pequot women and children, who had been captivated, were divided among the troops. Some were caif ried to Connecticut, and others to the Massachusetts. The people of Massachusetts sent a number of the women and boys to the West-Indies, and sold them for slaves. It was supposed that about seven hundred Pequots were destroyed. The women who were captivated, reported, that ^hirteen sachems had been slain, and that thirteen yet survived. Among the latter were Sassacus and Mononotto, the two chief sachems. These with about twenty of their best men fled to the Mohawks. They carried oft' with them wampum to the amount of 500 pounds.* The Mohawks surprised and slew them all, except Mononotto. They wounded him, but he made his escape. The scalp of Sassacus was sent to Connecticut in the fall, and Mr. Ludlow and several other gentlemen, going into Massachusetts, in September, carried a lock of it to Boston, as a rare sight, and a sure demonstration of the death of their mortal enemy.t

Among the Pequot captives were the wife and children of Mononotto. She was particularly noticed, by the English, for her great modesty, humanity and good sense. She made i\ as her only request, that she might not be injured either as to her offspring or personal honor. As a requital of her kindness to the captivated maids, her life and the lives of her children were not only spared, but they were particularly recommended to the care of governor Winthrop. He gave charge for their protection and kind treatment.

After the swamp fight, the Pequots became so weak and scattered, that the Narragansets and Moheagans constantly killed them, and brought in their heads to Windsor and Hartford. Those who survived were so hunted and harassed, that a number of their chief men repaired to the English, at Hartford, for relief. They offered, if their lives might be spared, that they would become the servants of the English and be disposed of at their pleasure. This was granted, and the court interposed for their protection.

Uncas and Miantonimoh, with the Pequots, by the direction of the magistrates of Connecticut, met at Hartford j and it was demanded by them, how many of the Pequots were yet living ? they answered, about two hundred, besides women and children. The magistrates then entered Book I. into a firm covenant with them, to the following effect: that <^~*^*s there should be perpetual peace between Miantonimoh 1638. and Uncas, and their respective Indians; and that all past injuries should be remitted, and for ever buried : that if any injuries should be done, in future, by one party to the other, that they should not immediately revenge it, but appeal to the English to do them justice. It was stipulated, that they should submit to their determination, and that if either party should be obstinate, that then they might enforce submission to their decisions. It was further agreed, that neither the Moheagans, nor Narragansets should conceal, or entertain any of their enemies ; but deliver up or destroy all such Indians as had murdered any English man or woman. The English then gave the Pequot Indians to the Narragansets and Moheagans; eighty to Miantonimoh, twenty to Ninnigret, and the other hundred to Uncas; to be received and treated as their men. It was also covenanted, that the Pequots should never more inhabit their native country, nor be called Pequots, but Narragansets and-Moheagans. It was also further stipulated, That neither the Narragansets nor Moheagans should possess any part of the Pequot country without the consent of the English. The Pequots were to pay a tribute, at Connecticut annually, of a fathom of wampumpeag for every Sannop, of half a fathom for every young man, and of a hand for every male papoose. On these conditions the magistrates, in behalf of the colony, stipulated a firm peace with all the Indians.*

* AVinthrop's Journal, p. 138.

t Winthrpp's Journal, p. 134,135,13C.

The conquest of the Pequots struck all the Indians in New-England with terror, and they were possessed with such fear of the displeasure and arms of the English, that they had no open war with them for nearly forty years.

This happy event gave great joy to the colonies. A day of public thanksgiving was appointed ; and, in all the churches of New-England, devout'and animated praises were addressed to Him, who giveth his people the victory, and causeththem to dwell safely. ' Records of CoMecticut.

Book I.

1637. . CHAPTER VI.

fffects of the war. Great scarcity in Convecticnt, anil means taken to relieve the necessities of the people. Settlement of New-Haven. Plantation covenant. Means for the defence of the colony. Captain Mason made major-general. Civil constitution of Connecticut, formed by voluntary compact. First general election at Connecticut. Governors and magistrates. General rights of the people, and principal laws of lh* colony. Constitution and law* vf New-Haven. Purchase and settlement of several towns in Connecticut and New-Haven.

THOUGH the war with the Pcquots was now happily terminated, yet the effects of it were severely felt by the inhabitants. The consequences were, scarcity and a debt, which, in the low state of the colony, it was exceedingly difficult to pay. Almost every article of food or clothing was purchased at the dearest rate: and the planters had not yet reaped any considerable advantage from their farms. Such a proportion of their labourers had been employed in the war, and the country was so uncultivated, that all the provision which had been raised, or imported, was in no measure proportionate to the wants of the people. The winter was uncommonly severe, which increased the distress of the colony.* The court at. Connecticut foreseeing that the people would be in great want of bread, contracted with Mr. Pyncheon for five hundred bushels of Indian corn, which he was to purchase of the Indians, and a greater quantity, if it could be obtained. The inhabitants were prohibited to bargain for it privately, and limited to certain prices, lest it should raise the price, while he was making the purchase. A committee was also appoint- ed by the court, to send a vessel to Narraganset, to buy of the natives in that quarter.t But notwithstanding every preScarcity in caution which was taken, the scarcity became such, that Connecti- corn rose to the extraordinary price of twelve shillings by the bushel.} In this distressful situation a committee was sent to an Indian settlement called Pocomtock, since Deerfield, where they purchased such quantities, that the In- Book L dians came down to Windsor and Hartford, with fifty ca- v^-v-*^/ noes at one timet laden with Indian corn.§ The good 1638. people considered this as a great deliverance. Those, Relieved, who, in England, had fed on the finest of the wheat, in the beginning of affairs in Connecticut, were thankful for such coarse fare as Indian bread, for themselves and children.

* The snow lay from the 4th of November until the 23d of March. It .v.i'. at some times, three and four feet deep. Once in the winter it snowed for two hours together, flakes as big as English shillings. Winthrop'a Journal, p. 154.

t Records of Connecticut.

$ Mason's history. Twelve shillings sterling at that time, (e<a equal to eighteen or twenty shillings lawful money.

In this low state of the colony, the court found it necessary to order the towns immediately to furnish themselves with magazines of powder, lead and shot, and every man to be completely armed, and furnished with ammunition. The court were also obliged to impose a tax of 550 pounds, to be collected immediately, to defray the expenses of the war. This appears to have been the first public tax in Connecticut. Agawam, since named Springfield, though it sent no men to the war, yet bore its proportion of the expense.* The first secretary and treasurer appears to have been Mr. Clement Chaplin. He was authorised to Febr issue his warrants for gathering the tax which had been im- 0th. posed.

Captafn John Mason was appointed major-general of the militia of Connecticut. The reverend Mr. Hooker was desired to deliver him the military staff. This he 8thdoubtless performed with that propriety and dignity which was peculiar to himself, and best adapted to the occasion. The general was directed to call out the militia of each town, ten times in a year, to instruct them in military discipline. He received out of the public treasury 40 pounds annually, for his services.

As it was of the highest importance to the colony to cultivate peace, and a good understanding with the Indians, laws were enacted to prevent all persons from offering them the least private insult or abuse.

While the planters of Connecticut were thus exerting themselves in prosecuting and regulating the affairs of that

colony, another was projected and settled at Quinnipiack,t afterwards called New-Haven. On the 26th of July, 1637, Mr. barMr. John Davenport, Mr. Samuel Eaton, Thcophilus Eat-e.DP°rt aron and Edward Hopkins, Esquires, Mr. Thomas Gregson, and many others of good characters and fortunes, arrived at Boston. Mr. Davenport had been a famous minister in the city of London, and was a distinguished character ton piety, learning, and good conduct. Many of his congre*

$ Mason's History.

* The tax was laid on Ihe towns in the proportions following : Agawam, 86 pound*: 16 : 0. Windsor, 158 pounds : 2: 0. Hartford, £51 pounds 2:0. And Weathersfield, 1-24 pounds : 0 : 0.

^ This is sometimes »;.-l; Quillipiack, and Qionepioke.

Book I. gation, on account of the esteem which they had for his v^vx ^ person and ministry, followed him into New-England. Mr. 1638. Eaton and Mr. Hopkins had been merchants in London, possessed great estates, and were men of eminence for their abilities and integrity. The fame of Mr. Davenport, the reputation and good estates of the principal gentlemen of this company, made the people of the Massachusetts exceedingly desirous of their settlement in that commonOffento wealth. Great pains were taken, not only by particular retain him persons and towns, but by the general court, to fix them TMtiMat?a~ m the colony. Charlestown made them large offers; and Newbury proposed to give up the whole town to them. The general court offered them any place which they should choose.* But they were determined to plant a distinct colony. B;- the pursuit of the Pequots to the westward, (he English became acquainted with that fine tract along the shore, from Saybrook toFairfield, and with its several harbours. It was represented as fruitful, and happrly situated for navigation and commerce. The company therefore projected a settlement in that part of the country. . In the fall of 1637, Mr. Eaton, and others, who were of the company, made a journey to Connecticut, to explore the lands and harbours on the sea coast. They pitched upon Quinnipiack for the place of their settlement. They erected a poor hut, in which a few men subsisted through the winter.

On the 30th of March, 1638, Mr. Davenport, Mr. Prud

den, Mr. Samuel Eaton, and Theophilus Eaton, Esquire,

with the people of their company, sailed from Boston for

Quinnipiack. In about a fortnight they arrived at their

April loth, desired port. On the 18th of April, they kept their first

the first sabhath in the place. The people assembled under a large

keptaat spreading oak, and Mr. Davenport preached to them from

Ncw-Ha- Matthew vi. 1. He insisted on the temptations of the wil

ven. derness, made such observations, and gave such directions

and exhortations as were pertinent to the then present state

of his hearers. He left this remark, That he enjoyed a

good day.

One of the principal reasons which these colonists asRea-ons signed for iheir removing from Massachusetts, was, that for temov- t},Cy should l,e more Out of the way and trouble of a general governor of New-England, who, at this time, was an object of great fear in all the plantations. What foundation there was for the hope of exemption from the controul of a general governor, by this removal, had one been sent, does not li is probable, that the motive which had the * Windirop's Journal, p. 1SL

greatest influence with the principal men, was the de*ire Book I. of being at the head of a new government, modelled, both N_x~v~n^ in civil and religious matters, agreeably to their own ap- 16,33. prehensions. It had been an observation of Mr. Davenport's, That whenever a reformation had been effected in the church, in any part of the world, it had rested where it had been left by the reformers. It could not be advanced Another step. He was now embarked in a design of forming a civil and religious constitution, as near as possible to scripture precept and example. The principal gentlemen, who had followed him into America, had the same views. In laying the foundations of a new colony, there was a fair probability, that they might accommodate all matters of church and commonwealth to their own feelings and sentiments. But in the Massachusetts, the principal men weje fixed in the chief seats of government, which they were likely to keep, and their civil and religious polity was already formed. Besides, the antinomian controversy and sentiments, which had taken such root at Boston, Were exceedingly disagreeable to Mr. Davenport, and the principal gentlemen of his company. He had taken a decided, though prudent part, against them. He, with his leading men, might judge, that the people who came with them would be much more out of danger of the corruption, and that ihcy should be more entirely free from the trouble of those sentiments, in a new plantation, than in the Massachusetts. These might all unite their influence with Mr. Davenport and others, to determine them to remove and begin a new colony.

Soon after they arrived at Quinnipiack, in the close of a day of fasting and prayer, they entered into what they termed a planlation covenant. In this they solemnly bound Plantation themselves, " That, as in matters that concern the gather- covenant ing and ordering of a church, so also in all public offices, a'a which concern civil order, as choice of magistrates and officers, making and repealing laws, dividing allotments of inheritance, and all things of like nature, they would, all of them, be ordered by the rules which the scripture held forth to them." This was adopted as a general agreement, until there should be time for the people to become more intimately acquainted with each other's religious views, sentiments, and moral conduct; which was supposed to be necessary to prepare the way for their covenanting together, as Christians, in church stale.

The aspects of Providence on the country, about this time, were very gloomy, and especially unfavourable to new plantations. The spring, after a long and severe winter, was unusually backward. Scarcely any thing grew, for several weeks. The planting season was so cold that the corn rotted in the ground, and the people were obliged to replant two or three times.* This distressed man and beast, and retarded all the affairs of the plantations. It rendered the gloom and horrors of the wilderness stiH more horrible. The colonists had terrible apprehensions of scarcity and famine. But at length the warm season came on, and vegetation exceeded all their expectations.

On the 1st of June, between the hours of three and four in the afternoon, there was a great and memorable earthquake throughout New-England. It came with a report like continued thunder, or the rattling of numerous coaches upon a paved street. The shock was so great that, in many places, the tops of the chimnies were thrown down, and the pewler fell from the shelves. It shook the waters and ships in the harbours, and all the adjacent islands. The duration of the sound and tremor was about four minutes. The earth, at turns, was unquiet for nearly twenty days. The weather was clear, the wind westerly, and the course of the earthquake from west to east.

The planters at Quinnipiack determined to make an extensive settlement; and, if possible, to maintain perpetual peace and friendship with the Indians. They, therefore, paid an early attention to the making of such purchases and amicable treaties, as might most effectually answer" their designs*

On the 24th of November, 1638, Theophilus Eaton, Esq. Mr. Davenport, and other English planters, entered into an agreement with Momauguin, sachem of that part of the country, and his counsellors, respecting the lands. The articles of agreement are to this effect:

That Momauguin is the sole sachem of Quinnipiack, and had an absolute power to aliene and dispose of the same : That, in consequence of the protection which he had tasted, by the English, from the Pequots and Mohawks,! he yielded up all his right, title, and interest to all the land, rivers, ponds, and trees, with all the liberties and appurtenances belonging to the same, unto Theophilus Eaton, John Davenport, and others, their heirs and assigns, for ever. He covenanted, that neither he, nor hta Indians, would terrify, nor disturb the English, nor injure

* Winthrop's Journal, p. 155, Ibid. See also Morton and Autchinson.

t The Indians of Quinnipiack, in this treaty, declared, that they still remembered the heavy ta»e« of the Peqiiots and Mohawks ; and that, by reason of their fear of them, they could not stay in their own country, bnt had been obliged to flee. By these powerful enemies, they had been reduced1 to about forty men:

them in any of their interests $ but that, in every respect, Book I. they woulcf keep true faith with them. v^-v*w>

The English covenanted to protect Momauguin and his I6t8Indians, when unreasonably assaulted and terrified by other Indians; and that they should always have a sufficient quantity of land to plant on, upon the east side of the harbour,* between that and Saybrook fort. They also covenanted, that by way of free and thankful retribution, they gave unto the said sachem, and his council and company, twelve coats of English cloth, twelve alchymy spoons, twelve hatchets, twelve hoes, two dozen of knives, twelve porringers, and four cases of French knives and scissors.t

This agreement was signed and legally executed, by Momauguin and his council on the one part, and Theophilus Eaton and John Davenport on the other. Thomas Stanton, who was the interpreter, declared in the presence of God, that he had faithfully acquainted the Indians with the said articles, and returned their answers.

In December following, they made another purchase of Second a large tract, which lay principally north of the former. This was of Montowesc, son of the great sachem at Mattabeseck. This tract was ten miles in length, north and south, and thirteen miles in breadth. It extended eight miles east of the river Quinnipiack, and five miles west of Tract purit towards Hudson's river. It included all the lands with-chasedin the ancient limits of the old towns of New-Haven, Branford, and Wallingford, and almost the whole contained in the present limits of those towns, and of the towns of EastHaven, Woodbridge, Cheshire, Hamden, and North-Haven.J These have since been made out of the three old towns.

The New-Haven adventurers were the most opulent company which came into New-England, and they designed to plant a capital colony. They laid out their town plat in squares, designing it for a great and elegant city. la the centre was a large, beautiful square. This was encompassed with others, making nine in the whole,

The first principal settlers were Theophilus Eaton, Esq, Mr. Davenport, Mr. Samuel Eaton, Mr. Thomas Gregson, Mr. Robert Newman, Mr. Matthew Gilbert, Mr. Nathaniel Turner, Mr. Thomas Fugill, Mr. Francis Newman. Mr. Stephen Goodyear, and Mr. Joshua Atwater.

Mr. Eaton had been deputy-governor of the East India

* This was in the present town of East-Haven.

t Records of New-Haven.

! For this last tract of ten miles north and south, and thirteen east ainj west, the English gave thirteen coats, and allowed the Indians ground .> ()iaut. and liberty to hunt within the lands. Records of New-Have^..

Book t. company, and was three years himself in the East Indies.

\^-v~*s He served the company so well, that he received from them

1638. presents of great value. He had been on an embassy

from the court of England to the king of Denmark. He

ivas a London merchant, who had, for many years, traded

to the East Indies, had obtained a great estate, and broughf

over a large sum of money into New-England. t Others

were merchants of fair estates, and they designed to have

been a great trading city.

There appears no act of civil, military, or ecclesiastical authority, during the first year; nor is there any appearance, that this colony was ever straitened for bread, as the other colonies had been.

Mr. Prudden, and his company, who came with Mr. Davenport, continued the first summer at Quinnipiack, and were making preparations for the settlement of another township.

When Mr. Davenport removed to Quinnipiack, Mr. Hopkins came to Hartford, and soon after incorporated with the settlers of Connecticut.

The inhabitants of the three towns upon Connecticut river, finding themselves without the limits of the Massachusetts patent, conceived the plan of forming themselves, by voluntary compact, into a distinct commonwealth. Theorigi- On the 14th of January, 1639,1 all the free planters naiconsti- convened at Hartford, and, on mature deliberation, adopttutionof Cd a constitution of government. They introduce their ru°t"jacn.~ constitution, with a declaration to this effect, That for the Mthl639. establishment of order and government, they associated, and conjoined themselves to be one public state or commonwealth ; and did, for themselves and successors, and such as should be, at any time, joined to them, confederate together, to maintain the liberty and purity of the gospel, which they professed, and the discipline of the churches, according to its institution ; and in all civil affairs, to be governed according to such laws, as should be made agreeably to the constitution, which they were then about to

Two gene- opt

rai assem- 1 he constitution, which, then follows, ordains, That

tiies annu- there shall be, annually, two general courts, or assemblies ; ' t The tradition is, that lie hrought to New-Haven a very great estate, in plate and money. The East India company made his wife a present ot. a bason and ewer, double gilt, and curiously wrought with gold weighing more fhan sixty pounds.

J This stands on the records of the colony, January 14th, 1638, which is owing to the manner of dating at that time. The first settlers of the colony, brsan their year on the 25th of March ; and until this time, they da

one on the second Thursday in April, and the other on the Book I. second Thursday in September: That the first, shall be \_«»-v-^/ the court of election, in which shall be annually chosen, 1633. at least, six magistrates, and all other public officers. It How coa* ordains, that a governor should be chosen, distinct from P"serlthe six magistrates, for one year, and until another should be chosen and sworn : and that the governor and magistrates should be sworn to a faithful execution of the laws of the colony, and in cases in which there was no express law established, to be governed by the divine word. Agreeably to the constitution, the choice of these officers Avas to be made by the whole body of the freemen, convened in general election. It provided, that all persons, who had been received as members of the several towns, by a Officers majority of the inhabitants, and had taken the oath of fidel-how ob<1< ity to the commonwealth, should be admitted freemen ofsen' the colony, it required, that the governor and magistrates should be elected by ballot; the governor by the greatest number of votes, and the magistrates by a majority. However, it provided, that if it should so happen, at any time, that six should not have a majority, that in such case, those who had the greatest number of suffrages, should stand as duly elected for that year. No person might be governor, unless he were a member of some regular church, and had previously been a magistrate in the colony. Nor could nny man be elected to the office, more than once in two years. No one could be chosen into the magistracy who was not a freeman of the colony, and had been nominated, either by the freemen, or the general court. The assembly were authorised to nominate, in cases in which they _ ii- T Xt -.1 i Governor

judged jt expedient. Neither the governor, nor magis- and magj,

trates, might execute any part of their office until they had trates to been publicly sworn, in the face of the General Assembly. be sw°rn»

The constitution also ordained, that the several towns should send their respective deputies to the election : and Assemblies that when it was finished, they should proceed to do any jj°* """ public service, as at any other courts : and, that the assembly, in September, should be for the enacting of laws, and other public services. It authorised the governor, either by himself or his secretary, to issue his warrants foy calling the assemblies, one month at least, before the time of their appointed meetings. Upon particular emergencies, he might convene them in seventeen days, or even upon shorter notice, stating the reasons in his warrant. Upon the reception of the governor's warrants, in April and September, the constables of the respective towns went obliged to warn all the freqme.n to elect and send thei<? deputies.

Book I. The constitution ordained, that the three towns of Wind^~v-^/ sor, Hartford and Weathersfield, should each of them send 1639. four deputies to every general court; and, that the other Uumber of towns, which should be added to the colony in future, d.-puiie* to shoulJ send such a number as the court should determine, proportionate to the body pf their freemen. The constitution declared the deputies to be vested with the whole Powen of power of the respective towns which they represented. It the house authorised them to meet separately, and determine their own f.|ect'ons5 to fine any person who should obtrude himself upon them, when he had not been duly chosen, and to fine any of their members for disorderly conduct, when they were assembled. Constables Further, the constitution provided, that in case the govr to convoke ernor and the major part of the magistrates should, upon Msembk any urgent occasion, neglect or refuse to call an assembly, the freemen should petition them to summon one; and, if, upon the petition of a major part of the freemen in the colony, they still refused or neglected, then the constables of the several towns should, upon the petition of the major part of the freemen, convoke an assembly. It also ordained, that when this assembly was convened, it should have power of choosing a moderator; and when it was thus formed, should exercise all the powers of any other general assembly. Particularly it was authorised to call any court, magistrate, or any other person before it, and to displace, or inflict penalties according to the nature of the offence.

All general assemblies, called by the governor, were to consist of the governor, four magistrates, and the major part of the deputies. When there was an equal vote, the governor had a casting voice. The constitution also provided, that no general court should be adjourned or dissolved, without the consent of a major part of the members : and that, whenever a tax was laid upon the inhabitants, the sum to be paid, by each town should be determined by a committee, consisting of an equal number from each of the respective towns.

The form of oaths to be administered to the governor and magistrates was also adopted in the general convention of the free planters. This, for substance, was the original constitution of Connecticut.*

With such wisdom did our venerable ancestors provide for the freedom and liberties of themselves and their posterity. Thus happily did they guard against every encroachment on the rights of the subject. This, probably> * Appendix, No. IB.

is one of the most free and happy constitutions of civil Book I. government which has ever been formed. The formation v^-x/~x^ of it, atso early a period, when the light of liberty was 1639. wholly darkened in most parts of the earth, and the rights of men were so little understood in others, does great honor to their ability, integrity, and love to mankind. To posterity indeed, it exhibited a most benevolent regard. It has continued, with little alteration, to the present timn. The happy consequences of it, which, for more than a century and half, the people of Connecticut have experienced, are without description*

Agreeably to the constitution, the freemen convened at General Hartford, on the second Thursday in April, and elected Election at their officers for the year ensuing. thcrecond

John Haynes, Esq. was chosen governor, and Roger Thursday Ludlow, George Wyllys, Edward Hopkins, Thomasin April. Wells, John Webster and William Phelps, Esquires, were chosen magistrates. Mr. Ludlow, the first of the six magistrates, was deputy governor. Mr. Hopkins was chosen secretary, and Mr. Wells treasurer.

The deputies sent to this first general assembly, in Connecticut, were Mr. John Steele, Mr. Spencer, Mr. John Pratt, Mr. Edward Stebbins, Mr. Gaylord, Mr. Henry Wolcott, Mr. Stoughton, Mr. Ford; Mr. Thurston Rayner, Mr. James Boosy, Mr. George Hubbard, and Mr. Richard Crab.

The general assembly proceeded as they had leisure, F'reflan-' and as occasion required, to enact a system of laws. The °* ££' of laws at first were few, and time was taken to consider and " digest them. The first statute in the Connecticut code is a kind of declaration, or bill of rights. It ordains, that nt> man's life shall be taken away; no man's honor or good name be stained, no man's person shall be arrested, restrained, banished, dismembered, nor any wise punished: That no man shall be deprived of his wife or children ; no man's goods or estate shall be taken away from him, nor anywise endamaged, under colour of law, or countenance of authority, unless it should be by the virtue of some express law of the colony warranting the same, established by the general court, and sufficiently published; or in case of the defect of such law, in any particular case, by some clear and plain rule of the word of God, in which the whole court shall concur.t It was also ordained that all persons in the colony, whether inhabitants or not, should enjoy the same law and justice without partiality or delay. These general precepts bore the same aspect, and breath-* t Old code of Connecticut.

Book I. ed the same spirit of liberty and safety, with Respect to S^-n^-x ^ the subjects universally, which is exhibited in the consti1639.. tution.

The planters of Quinnipiack continued more than a year without any civil or religious constitution, or com-' pact, further than had been expressed in their plantation covenant.

Meanwhile, Mr. Henry Whitfield, William Leet, Esq. Samuel Desborough, Robert Kitchel, William Chittenden and others, who were part of Mr. Davenport's and Mr. Eaton's company, arrived to assist them in their new settlement. These were principally from Kent and Surry, in the vicinity of London. Mr. Whitfield's people, like Mr. Davenport's, followed him into New-England. There were now three ministers, with many of the members of their former churches and congregations, collected in this infant colony, and combined in the same general agreement.

June4tTi, On the 4th of June, all the free planters at Quinnipiack i;uittTs convened in a large barn of Mr. Newman's, and, in a very* at Quinni- formal and solemn manner, proceeded to lay the foundapiack, as- tions of their civil and religious polity. for^'a'° Mr. Davenport introduced the business, by a sermon ronsti'tu- from the words of thfe royal preacher, " Wisdom hath lion, builded her house, she hath hewn out her seven pillars." His design was to show, that the church, the house of God, should be formed of seven pillars, or principal brethren, to whom all the other members of the church should be added. After a solemn invocation of the Divine Majesty, he proceeded to represent to the planters, that they were met to consult respecting the settlement of civil government according to the will of God, and for the nomination of persons, who, by universal consent, were, in all respects the best qualified for the foundation work of a church. He enlarged on the great importance of the transactions before them, and desired, that no man would give his voice, in any matter, until he fully understood it; and, that all would act, without respect to any man, but give their vote in the fear of God. He then proposed a number of questions in consequence of which the following resolutions were passed.

Its fun<U- I. That the scriptures hold forth a perfect rule for the mental ar- direction and government of all men in all duties which ""ct< they are to perform to God and men, as well in families and commonwealth, as in matters of the church.

II. That as in matters which concerned the gathering ordering of a church, so likewise U> all public office^ which concern civil order, as the choice of magistrates and Book I. officers, making and repealing laws, dividing allotments of v^-v^ / inheritance, arid all things of like nature, they would all 1639. be governed by those rules, which the scripture held forth to iIk in.

III. " That all those who had desired to be received as free planters, had settled in the plantation, with a purpose, resolution and desire, that they might be admitted into church fellowship according to Christ."

IV. " That all the free planters held themselves bound to establish such civil order as might best conduce to the securing of the purity and peace of the ordinance to themselves and their posterity according to God."

When these resolutions had been passed and the people had bound themselves to settle civil government according to the divine word, Mr. Davenport proceeded to represent Unto them what men they must choose for civil rulers according to the divine word, and that they might most effectually secure to them and their posterity a just, free and peaceable government. Time was then given to discuss and deliberate upon what he had proposed. After full discussion and deliberation it was determined—

V. " That church members only should be free burgesses ; and that they only should choose magistrates among themselves, to have power of transacting all the public civil affairs of the plantation : Of making and repealing laws, dividing inheritances, deciding of differences that may arise, and doing all things and businesses of like nature."

That civil officers might be chosen and government proceed according to these resolutions, it was necessary that a church should be formed. Without this there could be neither freemen nor magistrates. Mr. Davenport therefore proceeded to make proposals relative to the formation of it, in such a manner, that no blemish might be left on the " beginnings of church work." It was then resolved to this effect,

VI. " That twelve men should be chosen, that their fitness for the foundation work might be tried, and that it ehould be in the power of those twelve men, to choose seven to begin the church."

It was agreed that if seven men could not be found among the twelve qualified for the foundation work, that such other persons should be taken into the number, upon trial,* as should be judged most suitable.t The form of a solemn

* Appendix No. IV.

t The twelve persons chosen for trial, out of whom the seven pillars of <he hp«e were chosen, were Theophilus Eaton, Jobn Davenport, Robert

charge,or ofcth, was drawn up and agreed upon at this meeting to be given to all the freemen.

Further, it was ordered, that all persons, whosliould be received as free planters of that corporation, should submit to the fundamental agreement above related, and in testimony of their submission should subscribe their name? among the freemen.* After a proper term of trial, Theophilus Eaton, Esq. Mr. John Davenport, Robert Newman, Matthew Gilbert, Thomas Fugill, John Punderson and Jeremiah Dixon, were chosen for the seven pillars of the church4

October 25th, 1639, the court, as it is termed, consisting of these seven persons only, convened, and after a solemn address to the Supreme Majesty, they proceeded to form the body of freemen and to elect their civil officers. The manner was indeed singular and curious.

In the first place, all former trust, for managing the pubjjc afl^jrs of tne plantation, was declared to cease, and be utterly abrogated. Then all those who had been admitted to the church after the gathering of it, in the choice of the seven pillars, and all the members of other approved churches, who desired it, and offered themselves, were admitted members of the court. A solemn charge was then publicly given them, to the same effect as the freemen's charge, oroath, which they had previously adopted. The purport of this was nearly the same with the oath of fidelity, and with the freemen's administered at the present time. Mr. Davenport expounded several scriptures to them, describing the character of civil magistrates given in the sacred oracles. To this succeeded the election ot' officers. Theophilus Eaton, Esq. was chosen governor, Mr. Robert Newman, Mr. Matthew Gilbert, Mr. Nathaniel Turner, and Mr. Thomas Fugill, were chosen magistrates. Mr. Fugill was also chosen secretary, and Robert Seely, marshal.

Mr. Davenport gave governor Eaton a charge in open court, from Deut. i. 16,17. "And I charged your judges at that time, saying, Hear the causes between your brethren, and judge righteously between every man and his brother, and the stranger that is with him. Ye shall noi respect persons in judgment, but ye shall hear the small aswell as the great ; ye shall not be afraid of the face of man ; for the judgment is God's : and the cause that is too hard for you, bring it unto me, and I will hear it."

Newman, Matthew Gilbert, Richard Malhon, Nathaniel Turner, Ezekiel Chevers, Thomas Fugill, John Punderson, William Andrews and Jeremiah Dixon.

* Sixty-three subscribed on the 4th day of June, and there were addr«l soon- after about fifty other names.

It was decreed, by the freemen, that there should be a Book I. general court annually, in the plantation, on the last week ^-^^s in October. This was ordained a court of election in 1639, which all the officers of the colony were to be chosen. This court determined, that the word of God should be the only rule for ordering the affairs of government in that commonwealth.

This was the original, fundamental constitution of the government of New-Haven. All government was originally in the church, and the members of the church elected the governor, magistrates, and all other officers. The. magistrates, at first, were no more than assistants of the governor, they might not act in any sentence or determination of the court.* No deputy governor was chosen, nor were any laws enacted except the general resolutions which have been noticed ; but as the plantation enlarged, and new towns were settled, new orders were given; the general court received a new form, laws were enacted, and the civil polity of this jurisdiction gradually advanced, in its essential parts, to a near resemblance of the government of Connecticut.

While these affairs were transacted at Quinnipiack, plan- Milford <-? v tations commenced at Wopowage and Menbnkatuck. f°rj £",!!"^:'U/. Wopowage was purchased February 12th, 1639,t and Me- chased and nunkatuck the September following. Both were settled settled. this year. The churches of Mr. Prudden and Mr. Whitfield were both formed upon the plan of Mr. Davenport's; each consisting of seven principal men, of pillars. They appear to have been gathered at the same time. The plan- A0g. 523 ters were in the original agreement made in Mr. Newman's barn, on the 4th of June. The principal men, or.pillars in

principal planters of Menunkatuck, were Henry Whitfield Robert Kitchel, William Leet, Samuel Desborough, William Chittenden, JohnJSishop^ and- John Caffinge. The lands inMilford and^GuillowVas well as in New-Haven, were purchased by these principal men, in trust, for all the inhabitants of the respective towns. Every planter, after paying his proportionable part of the expenses, arising from laying out and settling the plantation, drew a lot or lots of lano!, in proportion to the money or estate which he had expended in the general purchase, and to the number

* Records of the colony of New-Haven.

t On the record! It wa* 1638, but according to the present mode of I039.

Book I. of heads in his family. These principal men were judges

v^-v-V/ in the respective towns, composing a court, to judge be

1639. tween man and man, divide inheritances and punish of

fences according to the written word, until a body of laws

should be established.

Most of the principal settlers of Milford were from Weathersfield.* They first purchased of the Indians all that tract which lies between New-Haven and Stratford river, and between the sound on the south, and a stream called two mile brook on the north, which is the boundary line between Milford and Derby. This tract comprised all the lands within the old town of Milford, and a small part of the town of Woodbridge. The planters made other purchases which included a large tract on the west side of Stratford river, principally in the town of Huntington. In the first town meeting in Milford, the number of free planters, or of church members, was forty four.

The Indians were so numerous in this plantation, that the English judged it necessary for their own safety, to compass the whole town plat, including nearly a mile square, with a fortification. It was so closely inclosed with strong pallisadoes, as entirely to exclude the Indians, from that part of the town.

The purchasers of Guilford agreed with the Indians, that they should move off from the lands, which they had purchased. According to agreement they soon all removed from the plantation.

The number of the first free planters appears to have been about forty. They were all husbandmen. There was not a merchant, nor scarcely a mechanic among them. It was at great expense and trouble that they obtained even a blacksmith to settle in the plantation. As they were from Surry and Kent, they took much pains to find a tract of land resembling that from which they had removed. They therefore finally pitched upon Guilford, which, toward the sea, where they made the principal settlement, was low, moist, rich land, liberal indeed to the husbandman. Especially the great plain south of the town. This had been already cleared and enriched by the natives. The vast quantities of shells and manure, which, in a course of ages, they had brought upon it from the sea, had contributed much to the natural richness of the soil. There were also nearly adjoining to this, several necks, or points of land, near the sea, clear, rich and fertile, prepared for immediate improvement. These, with the in

* Mr. Prudden it teems preached at WesthersCeld, the summer before 11-e people removed to Milford. .

dustry of the inhabitants, soon afforded them a comforta- Book Ible subsistence.* w^ ^

At the same time when these settlements commenced, 1639. two new ones were made under the jurisdiction of Connecticut.

Mr. Ludlow, who went with the troops in pursuit of the Mr, Lo*. Pequots, to Sasco,t the great swamp in Fairfield, was so otj,ers ^t, pleased with that fine tract of country, thafTie7soon pro-tie Fairjected the scheme of a settlement in that part of the colo-fieltlny. This year, he, with a number of others, began a plantation at Unquowa, which was the Indian name of the town. At first there were but about eight or ten families. These, probably, removed from Windsor, with Mr. Ludlow, who was the principal planter. Very soon after, another company came from Watertown and united with Mr. Ludlow and the people from Windsor. A third com* pany removed into the plantation from Concord ; so that the inhabitants soon became numerous, and formed themselves into a distinct township, under the jurisdiction of Connecticut. The first adventurers purchased a large Iract of land of the natives, and soon after Connecticut obtained charter privileges, the general assembly gave them a patent. The township comprises the four parishes of Fairfield, Green's farms, Greenfield and Reading; and part of the parish of Stratfield. The lands in this tract are excellent, and at an early period the town became wealthy and respectable.

Settlements commenced the same year at Cnphcag and Settle" Pughquonnuck, since named Stratford. That part which stratford contains the town plat, and lies upon the river, was called or CupCupheag, and the western part, bordering on Fairfield, heasPughquonnuck. It appears that settlements were made in both these places at the same time. Mr. Fairchild, who was a principal planter, and the first gentleman in the town vested with civil authority, came directly from England. Mr. John and Mr. William Curtissand Mr. Samuel Hawley were from Roxbury, and Mr. Joseph Judson and Mr. Timothy Wilcoxson from Concord, in Massachusetts. These were the first principal gentlemen in the town and church of Stratford. A few years after the settlement commenced, Mr. JohaBirdseye removed from Milford, and became a man of eminence both in the town and church, There were also several of the chief planters from Boston, and Mr. Samuel Wells, with his three sons, John, Thomas

* Manuscripts of Mr. Bungles.

t It has also been called Pequnt swamp, on the account of th.e niiemorafcle battle fought in this place with the Pequott.

Book I. and Samuel, from Weathersfield. Mr. Adam Blackman, sx-v-%^/ who had been episcopally ordained in England, and a 1639, preacher of some note, first at Leicester, and afterwards in Derbyshire, was their minister, and one of the first planters. It is said, that he was followed by a number of the faithful into this country, to whom he was so dear, that they said to him, in the language of Ruth, " Intreat us not to leave thee, for whither thou goest we will go ; thy people shall be our people, and thy God our God." These, doubtless, collected about him in this infant settlement.

The whole township was purchased of the natives; but, at first, Cupheag and Pughquonnuck only, where the settlements began. The purchase was not completed until 1672. There was a reservation of good lands at Pughquonnuck, Golden hill, and another place, called Coram, for the improvement of the Indians.

The town is bounded upon the east by the Housatonick, or Stratford river; on the south by the Sound ; by Fairfield on the west; and Newtown on the north. It comprises these four parishes, Stratford, Ripton, North-Stratford and New-Stratford, and a considerable part of Stratfield. The lands in this town, like those in Fairfield, are good, and its situation is exceedingly beautiful and agree-, able.

While these plantations were forming in the south-western part of Connecticut, another commenced on the west side of the mouth of Connecticut river. A fort had been built here in 1635 and 1636, and preparations had been made for the reception of gentlemen of quality; but the war with the Pequots, the uncultivated state of the country, and the low condition of the colony, prevented the coming of any principal character from England, to take possession of a township, and make settlements in this tract. Until this time, there had been only a garrison of about twenty men in the place. They had made some small improvement of the lands, and erected a few buildings in the vicinity of the fort; but there had been no settlement of a plantation with civil priviliges. But about midsummer, Mr. George Fenwick, with his lady and family, arrived in a ship of 250 tons. Another ship came in company with him. They were both for Quinnipiack.- Mr. Fenwick and others, came over with a view to fake possession of a large tract upon the river, in behalf of their lordships, the original patentees, and to plant a to.wn at the mouth of the river. A settlement was soon made, and named Saybrook, in honour to their lordships, Say and Seal and Brook. Mr. Fenwick, Mr. Thomas Peters, who was the first minister In the plantation, captain Gardiner, Thomas Leffingwell, Book I. Thomas Tracy, and captain John Mason, were some of v^>-v-^/ the principal planters. Indeed, the Huntingtons, Bald- 1637. wins, Reynolds's, Backus's, Bliss'si Watermans, Hydes, Posts, Smiths, and almost all the names afterwards to be found at Norwich, were among the first inhabitants of Saybrook. The government of the town was entirely independent of Connecticut, for nearly ten years, until after the purchase made of Mr. Fenwick, in 1644. It was first taxed by the colony in the October session, 1645; and it appears by the tax imposed, that the proportion of the towns of Hartford, Windsor, and Weathersfield, were to this, as six to one. The plantation did not increase to any considerable degree until about the year 1646. when Mr. James Fitch, a famous young gentleman, was ordained to the pastoral care of the church and congregation ; and a considerable number of families from Hartford and Windsor removed and made settlements in the town. Its original boundaries extended eastward five miles beyond the river, and from its mouth northward six miles; including a considerable part of the town of Lyme. Westward they extended to Hammonasset, the Indian name of the tract comprised in the limits of Killingworth, and north eight miles from the sea. Mr. Fenwick and captain* Mason were magistrates, and had the principal government of the town*

Great difficulties had arisen the last year, between the Trouble* English at Pyquaug, now Weathersfield, and Sowheag and gJJ^dath his Indians. It was discovered, that some of the Indians Wjih the at Pyquaug, under Sowheag, had been aiding the Pequots Indians, in the destruction which they had made there the preceding year, and were instrumental of bringing them against the town. Sowheag entertained the murderers, and treated the people of Weathersfield with haughtiness and insult. The court at Connecticut, on hearing the differences, determined, that, as the English at Weathersfield, had been the aggressors, and gave the first provocation, the injuries which Sowheag had done should be forgiven, and that he should, on his good conduct for the future, be restored to their friendship. Mr. Stone and Mr. Goodwin were appointed a committee to compromise all differences with Court at him. However, as Sowheag could not, by any arguments, Co"a^'or fair means, be persuaded to give up the murderers, but g"^ d"tcrcontinued his outrages against the English, the court, this mine* to

dispatch

* Though captain Mason was appointed major-general of the militia of 100 men to the colony, yet he was always called captain, or major, upon the records! Matt»bt> in conformity to which I bare uniformly given him those titles. seek.

Book I. year, determined, that a hundred men should be sent down

v^-v-x^ to Mattabeseck, to take the delinquents by force of arms.

1639. The court ordered, that their friends at Quinnipiack should

be certiiied of this resolution, that they might adopt the

measures necessary for the defence of the plantations. It

was, also, determined to have their advice and consent inf

an affair of such general concernment.

New-IIa- Governor Eaton and his council fully approved of the yen ob- design of bringing the delinquents to condign punishment , jects, and j)Ut they disapproved of the manner proposed by Connecticut. They feared that it would be introductive to a new Indian war. This they represented would greatly endanger the new settlements, and be many ways injurious and distressing. They wanted peace, all their men and money, to prosecute the design of planting the country. They represented that a new war would not only injure the plantations in these respects, but would prevent the coming over of new planters, whom they expected from England. They were, therefore, determmately against seeking redress by an armed force. Connecticut, through their influence, receded from the resolution which they had formed with respect to Sowhcag and Mattabeseck. fcxpedi- Nevertheless, as the Pequots had violated their covetlon. ..^ nant, and planted at Pawcatuck, in the Pequot country, Fcquots, *ne court dispatched major Mason, with forty men, to drive Septem- them off, burn their wigwams, and bring away their corn.* lK'r- Uncas, with a hundred men a.nd twenty canoes, assisted in the enterprise^ When they arrived at Pawcatuck bay, major Mason met with three of the Pequot Indians, and sent them to inform the others of the design of his coming, and what he should do, unless they would peaceably desert the place. They promised to give him an immediate an-> swer, but never returned.

The major sailed up a small river, landed, and beset the wigwams So suddenly, that the Indians were unable to carry off either their corn or treasures. Some of the old men liad not time to make their escape. As it was now Indian harvest, he found a great plenty of corn.

While Uncas's Indians were plundering the wigwams, about sixty others came rushing down a hill towards them. The Mohcagans stood perfectly still, and spake not a word, until they canre within about thirty yards of them ; then, shouting and yelling, in their terrible manner, they ran to meet them, and fell upon them, striking with bows, and cutting with knives and hatchets, in their mode of fighting. Indeed, it scarcely deserved the name of fighting. It, how* Records of Connecticut,

tver, afforded something new and amusing to the English, Book I. as they were now spectators of an Indian battle. The ma- v*r-v*»««/ jor made a movement to cut off their retreat, which they 1639perceived, and instantly fled. As it was not desired to kill, or irritate the Indians more than was absolutely necessary, the English made no fire upon them. Seven Indians were taken. They behaved so outrageously, that it was designed to take off their heads; but one Otash, a Narraganset sachem, brother to Miantonimoh, pleaded that they might be spared, because they were his brother's men, who was a friend to the English. He offered to deliver the heads of so many murderers in lieu of them. The English, considering that no blood had been shed, and that the proposal tended both to mercy and peace, granted the recjuesti The Indians were committed to the care of Uncas, until the Conditions should be performed.

The light of the next morning no sooner appeared, than the English discovered three hundred Indians in arms, ort the opposite side of the creek in which they lay.

Upon this, the soldiers immediately stood to their arms. The Indians were alarmed at the appearance of the English ; some fled, and others secreted themselves behind rocks and trees, so that a man of them could not be seen. The English called to them, representing their desire of speaking with them. Numbers of them rose up, and major Mason acquainted them with the Pequots' breach of covenant with the English, as they were not to settle or plant in any part of their country.. The Indians replied, that the Pequots were good men, and that they would fight for them, and protect them. Major Mason told them it was not far to the head of the creek ; that he would meet them there, and they might try what they could do at fighting. The Indians replied, they would not fight with Englishmen, for they were spirits; but they would fight with Uncas. The major assured them, that he should spend the day in burning wigwams, and carrying off the corn, and they might fight when they had an opportunity. The English beat up their drum, and fired their wigwams, but they dared not to engage them. The English loaded their bark with Indian corn, and the Indians the twenty canoes in which they passed to Pawcatuck, and thirty more, which they took from the Indians there, with kettles, trays, mats, and other Indian luggage, and returned in safety.*

During these transactions in Connecticut, the Dutch, at ApprehenNew-Netherlands, were increasing in numbers and strength. "ont from A new governor, William Kieft, a man of ability aod eu- "* Dutch. * Mason's History.

Book I. terprisc, had arrived at their seat of government. Kieft sx~v-*^ had prohibited the English trade at the fort of Good Hope, 1639. in Hartford, and protested against the settlement at Quinnipiack.* These circumstances gave some alarm to the English in Connecticut. The court at Hartford appointed a committee to go down to the mouth of the river, to consult with Mr. Fenwick, relative to a general confederation of the colonies, for mutual offence and defence. The deputy-governor, Mr. Ludfow, Mr. Thomas Wells, and Mr. Aug. 15th. Hooker, went upon this business. They were, also, instructed la confer with Mr. Fenwick, relative to the patent. Attempts The court approved of the conduct of the committee, and, ^^,fon.e" with respect to the article of confederation, declared its willingness to enter into a mutual agreement of offence and defence, and of all offices of love between the colonies. Mr. Fenwick was in favour of an union of the New-England colonies. With respect to the patent of the river, it was agreed, that the affair should rest, until the minds of the noblemen and gentlemen particularly interested, could be more fully known.

Governor Haynes and Mr. Wells were appointed to repair to Pughquonnuck, and administer the oath of fidelity to the inhabitants; to admit such of them as were qualified to the privileges of freemen; and to appoint officers for the town, both civil and military. They, were, also, authorised to invite the freemen to send their deputies to the general courts at Hartford.t Oct. 10th, At an adjourned General Assembly, the court incorpo

coTMra?~ Kt(:d lhe scveral towns in the colonies, vesting them with

t*d. fu" powers to transact their own affairs. It was enacted,

that they should have power to choose, from among them

Town selves, three, five, or seven of their principal men, to be a

*ututed?" court for each town< One of the three, five, or seven, was to be chosen moderator. The major part of them, always including, him, constituted a quorum. A casting voice was allowed him, in cases in which there was an equal division. He, or any two of the court, were authorised to summon the parties to appear at the time and place appointed, and might grant execution against the party offending. They were authorised to determine all matters of trespass or debt, not exceeding forty shillings. An appeal might be made from this court, at any time before execution was given out. This court was appointed to sit once in two months.

* Smith's Hist. N. York, p. 3.

t It was not unusual for the General Assembly to fine its members. Mr. Ludlow, the deputy-governor, was fined tor absence, and for bis conduct at Pughquonnuck. It was, probably, on the account of the displeasure of the xjurt towards him, thai this committee were appointed.

It was ordained, that every town should keep a public Book I. ledger, in which every man's house and lands, with the v^~v-^/ boundaries and quantity, according to the nearest estima- 1639. tion, should be recorded. All lands also granted and measured to any man afterwards, and all bargains and mortgages of lands were to be put on record. Until this was done, they were to be of no validity. The towns were, also, empowered to dispose of their own lands. This was the origin of the privileges of particular towns in Connecticut,

Besides the court in each town, there was the court of magistrates, termed the particular court. This held a session once in three months. To this lay all appeals from the other courts. In this were tried all criminal causes and actions of debt, exceeding forty shillings, ami all titles of land. Indeed, this court possessed all the authority, and did all <the business now possessed and done by the county and superior courts. For a considerable time, they were vested with such discretionary powers, as none of the courts at this day would venture to exercise.

Nepaupuck, a famous Pequot captain, who had frequently stained his hands in English blood, was condemned by the General Court at Quinnipiack, for murder. It appear- Oct. 30th. ed, that in the year 1637, he killed John Finch, of Weathersfield, and captivated one of Mr. Swain's daughters. He had also assisted in killing the three men, who were going down Connecticut river in a shallop, His head was cut off, and set upon a pole in the market place.

h will, doubtless, hardly be granted, in this enlightened age, that the subjects of princes, killing men by their orders, in war, ought to be treated as murderers. Though the first planters of New-England and Connecticut were men of eminent piety and strict morals, yet, like other good men, they were subject to misconception and the influence of passion. Their beheading sachems, whom they took in war, killing the male captives, and enslaving the women and children of the Pequots, after it was finished, was treating them with a severity, which, on the benevolent principles of christianity, it will be difficult ever to justify. The executing of all those as murderers, who were active in killing any of the English people, and obliging all the Indian nations to bring in such persons, or their heads, was an act of severity unpractised, at this day, by civilized and Christian nations. The decapitation of their enemies, and the setting of their heads upon poles, was a kind of barbarous triumph, too nearly symbolizing with the examples of uncivilized and pagan nations. The further we are remoBook I. ved from every resemblance of these, and the more deeply

v^-v-v^we imbibe those divine precepts, " Love your enemies:

1640. Whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you, do ye

even so to them,"—the greater will be our dignity aiuj

happiness.

CHAPTER VII.

Tke progress of purchase, settlement, and law, in the colo-
nies of Connecticut and New-Haven. The effect of thi
conquest of the Pequots on the natives, and the manner in,
which they were treated. Purchases of them. Towns set-
tled. Divisions at Weatherfield occasion the settlement of

_ Stamford. Troubles with the Dutch and Indians. Capi-
tal lams of Connecticut. The confederation of the United
Colonies. Further troubles with the Indians. Victory of
Uncas over the Narragansets, and capture of their sachem.
The advice of the commissioners respecting Miantonimoh.
His execution. Precautions of the colonies to prevent mar.
The Dutch, harassed by an Indian war, apply to Nev>-
Haven for assistance.

LLTHOUGH the conquest of the Pequots extended the claim of Connecticut to a great proportion of the lands in the settled part of the colony, yet, to remove all grounds of complaint or uneasiness, the English planters made fair purchases of almost the whole tract of country within the settled part of Connecticut.

Claims of After the conquest of the Pequots, in consequence of the diaiM1 and covenant made with Uncas, in 1638, and the gift of a hunihe man- dred Pequots to him, he became important. A considerable uer ia number of Indians collected to him, so that he became one which the Of tne priQcipal sachems in Connecticut, and even in Newtrcated England. At some times he was able to raise four or five hundred warriors. As the Pequots were now conquered, and as he assisted hi the conquest, and was a Pequot himself, he laid claim to all that extensive tract called the Moheagan or Pequot country. Indeed, it seems he claimed, and was allowed to sell some part of that tract which was the principal seat of the Pequots. The sachems in other parts of Connecticut, who had been conquered by the Pequots, and made their allies, or tributaries, considered themselves, by the conquest of this haughty nation, as restored to their former rights. They claimed to be inde- Book I. pendent sovereigns, and to have a title to all the lands ^-*~v^**s which they had at any time before possessed. The plan- 1640. ters therefore, to show their justice to the heathen, and to maintain the peace of the country, from time to time, purchased of the respective sachems and their Indians, all the lands which they settled, excepting the towns of New-London, Groton and Stonington, which were considered as the peculiar seat of the Pequot nation. The inhabitants of Windsor, Hartford, and Weathersfield, either at the time of their settlement, or soon after, bought all those extensive tracts, which they settled, of the native, original proprietors of the country. Indeed, Connecticut planters generally made repeated purchases of their lands. The colony not only bought the Moheagan country of Uncas, but afterwards all the particular towns were purchased again, either of him or his successors, when the settlements in them commenced. Besides, the colony was often obliged to renew its leagues with Uncas and his successors, the Moheagan sachems ; and to make new presents and take new deeds, to keep friendship with the Indians and preserve the peace of the country. The colony was obliged to defend Uncas from his enemies, which was an occasion of no small trouble and expense. The laws obliged the inhabitants of the several towns to reserve unto the natives a sufficient quantity of planting ground. They were allowed to hunt and fish upon all the lands no less than the English.

The colonies made laws for their protection from insult, fraud and violence.* The inhabitants suffered them to erect wigwams, and to live on the very lands which they had purchased of them; and to cut their fire wood on their uninclosed lands, for more than a whole century, after the settlements began. The lands, therefore, though really worth nothing at that time, cost the planters very considerable sums, besides the purchase of their patents and the right of pre-emption.

In purchasing the lands and making settlements, in a wilderness, the first planters of Connecticut expended great estates. It has been the opinion of the best judges, who have bad the most perfect acquaintance with the ancient affairs of the colony, that many of the adventurers expended more, in making settlements in Connecticut, than all the lands and buildings were worth, after all the improvements which they had made upon them.t

* These facts are folly ascertained by the records of (he colonies, and of the respective towns. t Tbii was the general opinion among men of extensive knowledge, <a Massachuietts, at well as in Connecticut. Governor Hqtchinson, in a manuscript which he wrote ajainst the stamp act, observed, that land in New-Engtand, at the time of its settlement, was of no value.

Book I. At the general election in Connecticut, this year, Mr. v^-v-^/ Hopkins was chosen governor, and Mr. Haynes deputy 1640. governor. Mr. Ludlow was chosen magistrate in the Election at place of Mr. Hopkins. The other magistrates were the Hartford. same who were elected the last year. The same governor, deputy governor and magistrates, who were in office, at New-Haven, the last year, were re-elected for this.

As the colonists, both in Connecticut and New-Haven, were the patentees of Lord Say and Seal, Lord Brook and the other gentlemen interested in the old Connecticut patent, and as that patent covered a large tract of country, both colonies were desirous of securing the native title to the lands, with all convenient dispatch. Several .large purchases were made this year both by Connecticut and New-Haven.

Connecticut made presents to Uncas, the Moheagan sachem, to his satisfaction, and on the 1st of September 1640, obtained of him a clear and ample deed of all his lands in Connecticut, except the lands which were then planted. These he reserved for himself and the Moheagans.

The same year, governor Haynes, in behalf of Hartford, made a purchase of Tunxis, including the towns ot. Farmington and Southington, and extending westward as far as the Mohawk country.

The people of Connecticut, about the same time, purchased Waranoke and soon began a plantation there, since called Westfield. Governor Hopkins erected a trading house and had a considerable intertest in the plantation.

Mr. Ludlow made a purchase of the eastern part of Norwalk, between Saugatuck and Norwalk rivers. Captain Patrick bought the middle part of the town. A few families seem to have planted themselves in the town about the time of these purchases, but it was not properly settled until about the year 1651. The planters then made a purchase of the western part of the town.*

About the same time Robert Peaks and Daniel Patrick bought Greenwich. The purchase was made in behalf of New-Haven, but through the intrigue of the Dutch governor, and the treachery of the purchasers, the first inhabitants revolted to the Dutch. They were incorporated and vested with town privileges by Peter Stuyvesant, gov

* The first purchases were of the sachem, Mamechimoh. Mr. Ludlow's (teed bears date Feb. 36th, 1640, and Capt. Patrick's April 20th, 164O. The western purchase was of a sachem called Buckiugheag e. It htflce Appears that there were two sachems iu tbii town.

ernor of New-Netherlands. The inhabitants were driven Book T< off by the Indians, in their war with the Dutch; and made ^r-v'^* no great progress in the settlement until after Connecticut 1640. obtained the charter, and they were taken under the jurisdiction of this colony.

Captain Howe and other Englishmen, in behalf of Con* necticut, purchased a large tract of the Indians, the original proprietors, on Long-Island. This tract extended from the eastern part of Oyster bay to the western part of Howe's or Holmcs's bay to the middle of the great plain. It lay on the northern part of the island and extended southward about half its breadth. Settlements were immediately begun upon the lands ; and by the year 1642, had made considerable advancement.

New-Haven made a purchase of all the lands at Rijjpo- Purchases '— warns. This purchase was made of Ponus and Toquam-°jNew' slce7 the two sachems of that tract, which contained the Havenwhole town of Stamfgcd. A reservation of planting ground was made for the Indians.!

Another large purchase, sufficient for a number of plantations, was made by captain Turner, agent for New-Haven, on both sides of Delaware bay or river. This purchase was made with a view to trade, and for the settlement of churches in gospel order and purity. The colony of New-Haven erected trading houses upon the lands, and sent nearly fifty families to make settlements upon them. The settlements were made under the jurisdiction of NewHaven, and in close combination with that colony in all their fundamental articles.

It also appears, that New-Haven, or their confederates, purchased and settled Yennycock, Southhold, on LongIsland. Mr. John Youngs, who had been a minister at Ilingham in England, came over, with a considerable part of his church, and here fixed his residence. He gathered his church anew, on the 21st of October, and the planters united themselves with New-Haven. However, they soon departed from the rule of appointing none to office, or of admitting none to be freemen, but members of the church. New-Haven insisted on this as a fundamental article of their constitution. They were, therefore, for a number of years, obliged to conform to this law of the jurisdiction. Some of the principal men were the Reverend Mr. Youngs, Mr. William Wells, Mr. Barnabas Horton, Thomas Mapcs, John Tuthill and Matthias Corwin.

Laws were enacted, both by Connecticut and New-Ha

t The purchase was made by captain Nathaniel Turner, agent for New* It cost about thirty pounds sterling.

Book I. ven, prohibiting all purchases of the Indians, by private v~x~v^s persons, or companies, without the consent of their res1640. pective general courts. These were to authorize and direct the manner of every purchase.

Bept. sth. The general court, at New-Haven, this year, made a grant of Totoket to Mr. Samuel Eaton, brother of governor Eaton, upon condition of his procuring a number of his friends, from England, to make a settlement in that tract of country.

At this court it was decreed, that the plantation at Quinnipiack should be called New-Haven.

General At the general election, this year, at Hartford, John election at Haynes, Esq. was chosen governor, and George Wyllys, Aprits' ' Esq. deputy governor. Mr. Hopkins was chosen magis1641. ' trate, and the other principal officers were re-elected. Divisions The brethren oI the church at Weathersfield removed at Wcuth- without their pastor, the Rev. Mr. Phillips; and, having ersfield- no settled minister at first, fell into unhappy contentions and animosities. These continued for a number of years, and divided the inhabitants of the town, as well as the brethren of the church. They were the means of scattering the inhabitants, and of the formation of new settlements and churches in other places. Great pains were taken, by the ministers on the river, to compose the differences and unite the church and town ; but they were unable to effect an union. Mr. Davenport and some of the brethren of the church at New-Haven were sent for, to advise and attempt a reconciliation. Mr. Davenport and his brethren gave advice somewhat different from that which had been given by the ministers and churches on the river; and, it seems, suggested the expediency of one of the parties removing and making a new settlement, if they could not by any menus be united among themselves. Some were pleased with the advice, others disliked it, and the parties could not agree which of them should remove. The church, which consisted of seven members only, was divided three against four. -The three claimed to be the church, and therefore pleaded, that they ought not to remove. The four, as they were the majority, insisted that it was their right to stay.

The church at Watertown,'as they had not dismissed "- their brethren, at Weathersfield, from their watch, judged it their duty to make them a visit, and to attempt to heal the divisions which had sprung up among them. For this benevolent purpose, several of the brethren made a journey to Connecticut; but they succeeded no better in their endeavours, than those who had been before them. It now appeared to be the opinion, that it was expedient for Book I. one of the parties to remove, but it could not be agreed v^-v-s*' which of them should be obliged again to make a new set- 1641. tlement. At length a number of principal men, who were the most pleased with the advice of Mr. Davenport and the New-Haven brethren, and to whom the government of that colony was most agreeable, determined to remove, and settle in combination with New-Haven.

Therefore, on the 30th of October, 164O, Mr. Andrew Ward and Mr. Robert Coe ofWeathersfield, in behalf of themselves and about twenty other planters, purchased Rippowams of New-Haven. The whole number obliged jjiemselves to remove, with their families, the next year, before the last of November. This spring the settlement commenced. The principal planters were the Rev. Mr. Richard Denton, Mr. Matthew Mitchel, Mr. Thurston """ Rayner, Mr. Andrew Ward, Mr. Robert Coe, and Mr. Richard Gildersleve. Mr. Denton was among the first planters of the town, and continued their minister about three or four years. After that time he removed with part of his church and congregation to Hempsted. They settled that town about the year 1643 or 1644. ^

At the general election, this year, in New-Haven, Theo- Election at philus Eaton, Esq. was chosen governor, and Mr. Stephen New-HaGoodyear, deputy governor. The magistrates were Mr. ^n'i^,t" Gregson, Mr. Robert Newman, Mr. Matthew Gilbert and ' Mr. Wakeman. Thomas Fugill was appointed secretary, and Mr. Gregson treasurer;

Upon the general election, this year, at Hartford, there 1642. was a considerable change, with respect to civil officers. £lec^io"V1* George Wyllys, Esq. was elected governor, and Roger Ludlow, Esq. deputy governor. Eight magistrates were chosen for Connecticut. This is the first instance of more than six. The magistrates were John Haynes, Esq. Mr. Phelps, Mr. Webster, captain Mason, Mr. Wells, Mr. Whiting, Edward Hopkins, Esq. and Mr. William Hopkins.

The Indians were exceedingly troublesome this year. The lull was suspected, that they were forming a combination for a general war. All trading with them, in arms or any instruments of iron, was expressly prohibited, both by Connecticut and New-Haven. Each colony concerted all measures of defence. A constant watch was kept in all the plantations. Upon the sabbath a strong guard was set at the places of public worship.

At this court, the magistrates were desired to write to 4he Dutch, and, at far as possible, to prevent their vendBook I. ing arms and ammunition to the natives, and to settle all

Vx-n/-x./ disputes between them and the colony with respect to

1G42. Claims. But notwithstanding all their endeavours, the

Dutch behaved with great insolence, and did much dam

age to both the English colonies.

The Dutch, at Hartford, gave entertainment to fugitives from the English; helped them when confined to file off their irons ; and persuaded servants to run from their mas-' ters and then gave them entertainment. They purchased goods which had been stolen from the English, and wou!d not return them. They also assisted criminals in breaking gaol.

Besides these misdemeanors, at Hartford, the Dutch governor, William Kieft, caused the English settlements ou Long-Island, which had now advanced, on the lands purchased by captain Howe, as far as Oyster bay, to be broken up. Some of the English planters were forcibly seized and imprisoned, and others driven from their settlements. These were injuries done to Connecticut.

To the colony of New-Haven the Dutch were still more hostile and injurious. Notwithstanding the fair purchases which that colony had made, by their agents at Delaware, governor Kieft, without any legal protest or warning, dispatched an armed force, ami with great hostility, burned the English trading houses, violently seized and for a time detained their goods, and would not give them time to take an inventory of them. The Dutch also took the company's boat, and a number of the English planters, and kept them as prisoners. The damages done the English at Delaware, were estimated at a thousand pounds sterling.*

The same year the Swedish governor and Dutch agent uniting in a crafty design against Mr. Lamberton, a principal gentleman of New-Haven, made an injurious attempt upon his life. They accused him of having joined in a plot with the Indians to cut off the Swedes and Dutch. They attempted, by giving his men strong drink, and by threatenings and allurements, to influence them to bear testimony against him. They proceeded so far as to imprison and try him for treason. When, notwithstanding these unfair means, and that they were both his accusers and judges, they could not find any evidence against him, they arbitrarily imposed a fine upon him, for trading at Delaware, though within the limits of the purchase and jurisdiction of New-Haven.

At another time, when Mr. Lamberton was occasional

* Records of the united colonici, and Smith's history of New-York, p.4.

ly at Manhatoes, in the capacity of an agent for New-Ha- Book I. ven, the Dutch governor, Kieft, by force and threatenings, v^-v-x^> compelled him to give an account of all his beaver, within 1G42, the limits of New-Haven, at Delaware, and to pay an impost upon the whole. The Dutch did other damages, and insulted the English in various other instances. Both Connecticut and New-Haven, from year to year, complained and remonstrated against them, but could obtain no redress. .

While the colonies were increasing in numbers and self tlements, progress in law and jurisprudence, in the regular establishment of courts and the times of their sessions, was also necessary, for the advancement, order and happiness of the respective jurisdictions.

This, so far as the numerous affairs of the colonies would permit, was an object of special attention. The capital *" laws of Connecticut were, this year, nearly completed, and put upon record. The several passages of scripture on which they were founded were particularly noticed in the statute. They were twelve in number, and to the following effect.

If any man or woman shall have or worship any God, Capital but the true God, he shall be put to death. Deut. xiji. 6. J!JWS of xvii. 21. Exodus xxii. 2. cuT April"

If any person in this colony shall blaspheme the name of e, 1644. God the Father, Son or Holy Ghost, with direct, express, presumptuous or high-handed blasphemy, or shall curse in like manner, he shall be put to death. Levit. xxiv. 15, 16.

If any man or woman be a witch, that is, hath or consulteth with a familiar spirit, they shall be put to death. Exodus xxii. 18. Levit. xx. 22. Dcut. xviii. 10, 11.

If any person shall commit wilful murder, upon malice, hatred or cruelty, not in a man's own defence, nor by casualty against his will, he shall be put to death. Exodus xxi. 12, 13, 14. Numb. xxxv. 30, 31.

If any person shall slay another through guile, either by poisoning, or other such devilish practices, ne shall be put to death. Exodus xxi. 14.

If any man or woman shall lie with any beast or brute creature, by carnal copulation, they shall surely be put to death, and the beast shall be slain and buried. Leviticus xx. 15, 16.

If any man lieth with mankind, as he lielh with a woman, both of them have committed abomination ; they both shall surely be put to death, except it appear that one of the parties was forced, or und,er fifteen years of age. Levit, «. 13.

If any man lie with his mother, or father's wife, or wife's mother, his daughter, or daughter in law, having carnal population with them, both of them have committed abomination; they shall be put to death, except it appear, that the woman was forced, or under fourteen years of age. Levit. xx. 11, 12, 14, and xviii. 7, 8.

If any man shall forcibly ravish any maid, or woman, by carnal copulation, against her consent, he shall be put to death, provided prosecution and complaint be made forthwith upon the rape. Deut. xxii. 25.

If any man steal a man, or mankind, and selleth him, or he be found in his hand, he shall be put to death. Exodus xxi. 16.

If any person rise up by false witness, wittingly, and of purpose, to take away man's life, he or she shall be put to death. Deut. xix. 16, 18,19.

It was also enacted, that if any person should conspire against the commonwealth, attempt an insurrection, invasion, or rebellion against it, he should be put to death.

Wilful arson, the cursing and smiting of father or mother, and notorious stubbornness in children, after a certain age, were, soon after, made capital offences, by the laws of the colony, and added to the list of the capital laws.*

Before this time, unchastity between single persons, and wanton behaviour, had been punished with whipping at the tail of the cart, by fining, or obliging the delinquents to inarry, at the discretion of the particular courts.

The general court approved of what the particular courts had done, in these cases, and authorised them, in future, to punish such delinquents by fines, by committing them to the house of correction, or by corporal punishment, at the discretion of the court.

As some loose persons deserted the English settlements, and lived in a profane, heathenish manner, a law was enacted, that all persons who should be convicted of this crime, should be punished with three years imprisonment, at least, in the house of correction, with fine, or corporal punishment, as the particular court should direct.t

At a general court in New-Haven, April 5, 1643, conNew-Hav- siderable progress was made in the laws and government en, April of that colony. Deputies were admitted to the court, and 3,1643. an addition was made to the number of magistrates. Stamford, for the first time, sent captain John Underbill, and Mr. Richard Gildersleve, to represent the town. Mr. Mitchel and Mr. Rayner were nominated for magistrates Book I. in Stamford. Mr. Rayncr was appointed by the court, v-^-v-x-Captain Underbill, Mr. Mitchel, Mr. Andrew Ward, and 1643. Mr. Robert Coe were appointed assistant judges to Mr. Rayner. This court was vested with the same powers as the court at New-Haven, and was the first instituted in Stamford. Mr. William Leet and Mr. Deshorough were admitted magistrates for Menunkatuck, and that plantation was named Guilford.

* Records of Connecticut, and the old Connecticut code.

t Records of Connecticut. When the Connecticut laws were printed, in 1672, this law was altered, and the term reduced Ivum three, to om> year's imprisonment, '

This year John Haynes, Esq. was elected governor, and General Mr. Hopkins deputy governor. Mr. Wolcott and Mr. *£?£,"<£ Swain were chosen magistrates; and Mr. Phelps and Mr. April 13,' William Hopkins were not elected.* Mr. Whiting was 1643- ^' chosen treasurer and Mr. Wells secretary. It appears to have been customary, for a number of years, to choose the secretary and treasurer among the magistrates.

Juries appear to have attended the particular courts, in AnacU*s/i Connecticut, from their first institution. They seem "

have been regularly enrolled about the year 1641, or 1642. But the particular courts found great difficulties with respect to their proceedings. There were no printed laws for the inhabitants to study, and many of the common people had attended very little to law and evidence. The jury therefore, very often, would be so divided, that they could not agree upon any verdict; and when they were agreed, it did not always appear to the court that they brought in a just one. A pretty extraordinary law therefore passed this court, regulating the juries. The court decreed, that the jury should attend diligently to the case^ and to the evidence, and if they could not all agree in a verdict, they should offer their reasons upon the case tu the court, and the court should answer them, and send out the jury again. If, after deliberating upon the case, they could not bring in a joint verdict, it was decreed, that it should be determined by a major vote ; and that this should, to all intents and purposes, be deemed a full and sufficient verdict; upon which judgment should be entered, and execution, and all other proceedings should be as though there had been a joint verdict of the jury. It was also provided, that if the jury should be equally divided, six and six, they should represent the case to the court, with their reasons, and a special verdict should be drawn, and a major vote of the court, or magistrates, should determine the cause, and Book I. all matters respecting it should be as though there had

* Mr. Phelps, 1 suppose, was now dead, as he appears no more upon the records. He was one of the principal planters of Windsor, and choaen into tbn magistracy from the first settlement of Connecticut. He ay. , ... 5!... hare '. n- the ancestor of the Fhelpses in this state.

v^-s^-^/ been a joint verdict of the jury.* 1643. At this court, it was ordained, that a grand jury of

Grandju- twelve men should attend the particular courts, annually, to at- jn ]yiay an{] September, and as often as the governor and court should judge expedient. It was also enacted, that the grand jury should be warned to give their attendance. This is the first notice of a grand jury, at any court.

Proposals A general confederation of the New-England colonies,

for a gene- had been proposed, and in.agitation for several years. In

r,.i union 1638, articles of union, for amity, offence and defence, muof the N. i i t 11

England tua' advicc and assistance, upon all necessary occasions,

colonies, were drawn, and for further consideration, referred to 1639. Connecticut and Mr. Fenwick agreed to confederate for these purposes. From this time, Connecticut had annually appointed some of her principal men, to go into the Massachusetts, to complete the designed confederacy. Governor Haynes and Mr. Hooker, in 1639, were nearly a month in Massachusetts, laboring to carry it into effect. New-Haven paid equal attention to an affair so important to the colonies. The circumstances of the English nal'°"» anc' tne sta'e °ftne colonies in New-England, at this

for the un- time, made it a matter of urgent necessity. For the accommodation of particular companies, the colonies hadex-> tended their settlements upon the rivers and sea coast.-, much farther, and had made them in a more scattering manner, than was at first designed. No aid could be expected from the parent country, let emergencies be ever so pressing. The Dutch had so extended their claims, and were so powerful and hostile, as to afford a just ground of general alarm. All the plantations were compassed with numerous tribes of savage men. The Narraganseti appeared hostile, and there were the appearances of vi general combination, among the Indians, in New-England, to extirpate the English colonies. There were, notwithstanding, impediments in the way of effecting even so ne-. cessary and important an union. The Massachusetts was much more numerous and powerful, than the other colonies, It was in various respects more respectable and important. It was, therefore, a matter of difficulty, to form an union upon equal terms. The other colonies were not willing to unite upon such as were unequal. There were also disputes between Connecticut and Massachusetts. The colony of Massachusetts claimed part of the Pequot country, on the account of the assistance which they afforded in the Fequot war. There was also a difference with respect to * Records of Connecticut.

the boundary line between Massachusetts and Connect!- Book I. cut. Both colonies claimed the towns of Springfield and *~*-~*-*s Westfield. These difficulties retarded the union. 1643.

However, Connecticut, New-Haven, and Plymouth, all dispatched commissioners to Boston, in May, at the time of the session of the General Court. The commissioners 1'rom Connecticut were, Governor Haynes and Mr. Hopkins ; Mr. Fenwick, from Saybrook; Governor Eaton and Mr. Gregson, from New-Haven; Mr. Winslow and Mr. Collier, from Plymouth. The general court of Massachusetts appointed Governor Winthrop, Mr. Dudley, and Mr. Bradstreet, of the magistrates, and of the deputies, Mr. Hawthorne, Mr. Gibbons, and Mr. Tyng. There appear- The Newed, at this time, a spirit of harmony and mutual condescen- Ens1*1"1 sion among the commissioners, and on the 19th of May, conl-el)e_ 1643, the articles were completed and signed. The com-rate, May rnissioncrs were unanimous in adopting them; but those 19tb'1643from Plymouth did not sign them, as they had not been authorised by the court. At the meeting of the commissioners in September, they came vested with plenary powers, and signed them.

The commissioners, in the introductory part, declare, Artj.cles o£ with respect to the four colonies of Massachusetts, Ply- ^°e "a" mouth, Connecticut, and New-Haven, and the plantations under their respective jurisdictions, that, as they all came into these parts of America with one and the same end and aim, to advance the kingdom of our Lord Jesus Christ, and <-njoy the liberties of the gospel in purity and peace, they conceived it their bounden duty to enter into a present confederation among themselves, for mutual help and strength in all future concernments; that, as in nation and religion, so in other respects they be and continue one, and henceforth be called by the name of The United Colonies Of New-england.

They declare, that the said united colonies, for themselves and their posterity, did, jointly and severally, enter into a firm and perpetual league of friendship and amity, of offence and defence, mutual aid and succour, upon all just occasions, both for preserving and propagating the truth and liberty of the gospel, and for their own mutual safety and welfare.

The articles reserved to each colony an entire and distinct jurisdiction. By them, no two colonies might be united in one, nor any other colony be received into the confederacy, without the consent of the whole.

Each colony was authorised to send two commissioners annually, always to be church, members, to meet on the Book I. first Monday in September, first at Boston, then at Hartv^-s^-x^ ford, New-Haven, and Plymouth. This was to be the an1643. nual order, except that two meetings successively were always to be at Boston.

The commissioners, when met, were authorised to choose a president from among themselves, for the preservation of order* They were vested with plenary powers for making war and peace* laws and rules of a civil nature and of general concern. Especially, to regulate the conduct of . the inhabitants towards the Indians, towards fugitives, for (he general defence of the country, and for the encouragement and support of religion.

The expense of all wars, offensive or defensive, was t6 be borne in proportion to the number of the male inhabitants in each colony, between sixteen and sixty years of age.

Upon notice from three magistrates of any of the colonies of an invasion, the colonies were immediately to send assistance, the Massachusetts a hundred, and each of the other colonies forty-five men. If a greater number was ' ' necessary, the commissioners were to meet and determine the number.

All determinations of the commissioners, in which six were agreed, were binding upon the whole. If there were a majority, yet under six, the affair was to be referred to the general court of each colony, and could not be obligatory, unless the courts unanimously concurred.

No colony might engage in a war, without the consent of the whole union, unless upon some urgent and sudden occasion. Even in such case, it was to be avoided as far as possible, consistent with the general safety.

If a meeting were summoned, upon any extraordinary occasion, and the whole number of commissioners did not attend, any four who were met, might, in cases which admitted of no delay, determine upon a war, and send te each colony for its proportion of men. A number, however^ less than six could not determine the justice of a war, nor have power to settle a bill of charges, nor make levies.

If either of the confederates should break any article of the confederation, or injure one of the other colonies, the affair was to be determined by the commissioners of the three other confederates.

The articles also made provision, that all servants running from their masters, and criminals flying from justice, from one colony to another, should, upon demand, and! proper evidence of their character, as fugitives, be returned io their masters, and to the colonies whence they had made

their escape; that, in all cases, law and justice might have Book I. their course. v^-v-v^

This was an union of the highest consequence to the 1643. New-England colonies. It made them formidable to the Dutch and Indians, and respectable among their French neighbours. It was happily adapted to maintain a general harmony among themselves, and to secure the peace and rights of the country. It was otie of the principal means of the preservation of the colonies, during the civil wars and unsettled .state of affairs in England* It was the grand source of mutual defence in Philip's war; and of the most eminent service in civilizing the Indians, and propagating the gospel among them. The union subsisted more than forty years, until the abrogation of the charters of the New-England colonies, by king James the second.

This union was very seasonable. The Indians were so The vexa* tumultuous and hostile, that its whole influence was neces- *'°"s co"~. sary to prevent a general war. The troubles originated in the ambitious and perfidious conduct of Mtantonimoh, chief sachem of the Narragansets. After the Pequot war, he attempted to set himself up as universal sachem overall the Indians in New-England. The old grudge and hatred which had subsisted between him and the Pequots, he now suffered to embitter and inflame his rancorous heart against Uncas and the Moheagans. Without any regard to the league made between him, the English, and the Mohea-* gans, at Hartford, in 1638, when the Pequots were divided between him and Uncas, he practised murder and war against him. At the same time, he used all the arts of which he was master, by presents and intrigue, to inflame the Indians, and excite a general insurrection against the English plantations. The Indians, through his influence, had been collecting arms and ammunition. There appeared among them a general preparation for war. The colonists were obliged to keep guards and watch every night, from the setting to the rising of the sun, and to guard their inhabitants from town to town, and from one place to another.

Connecticut was for making war immediately, and sent pressing letters to the court at Boston, urging that a hundred men might be sent to Saybrook fort, to assist against the enemy,Jas circumstances might require. But the court of Massachusetts pretended to doubt of the facts alledged, and would not consent*

In the mean time Miantonimoh, in prosecution of his bloody designs, hired a Pequot, one of Uncas's men, to kill ilim. He made an attempt, in the spring, and shot

Book 1. through his arm. He then ran off to the Narragansets, re\^-v->^/ porting, through the Indian towns, that he had killed Un1643. cas> Bu' when it was known that Uncas was not dead, though wounded, Miantonimoh and the Pequot contrived together, and reported that Uncas bad cut through his arm with a flint, and then charged the Pequot with shooting him. However, Miantonimoh soon after going to Boston, in company with the Pequot who had wounded Uncas, the governor and magistrates, upon examination, found clear evidence, that the Pequot was guilty of the crime, with which he had been charged. They had designs of apprehending him and sending him to Uncas, that he might be punished ; but Miantonimoh pleaded, that he might be suffered to return with him, and promised that he would send him to Uncas. Indeed, he so exculpated himself, and made such fair promises, that they gave vp their designs, and permitted them to depart in peace. About two days after, Miantonimoh murdered the Pequot, on his return, that he might make no further discovery of his treacherous conduct.

About the same time much trouble arose from Sequassen, a sachem upon Connecticut river. Several of his men killed a principal Indian belonging to Uncas. He, or some of his warriors, had also waylaid Uncas himself, as he was going down the said river, and shot several arrows at him. Uncas made complaint to the governor and court at Connecticut, of these outrages. Governor Haynes and the court took great pains to make peace between Uncas and Sequasscn. Upon bearing their sevcrakstories it appeared, that Uncas required, tbat six of Sequassen's men should be deliveced to him, for the murder of his man, because he was a great man* Governor Haynes and the court laboured to dissuade Uncas from his demand of six men for one; and urged him to be satisfied upon Sequassen's delivering up the murderer. At length, with much persuasion and difficulty, Uncas consented to accept of the murderer only. But Sequassen would not agree to deliver him. He was nearly allied to Miantonimoh, and one of his peculiar favorites. Sequassen chose rather to fight, than to make Uncas any compensation, expressing, at the same time, his depcndance on Miantonimoh for assistance. It is not improbable, that it was through the influence of Miantonimoh, that he came to this resolution. Uncas and Sequassen fought. Sequassen was overcome. Uncas. killed a number of his men and burned his wigwams.

Miantonimoh, without consulting the English, according to agreement, without proclaiming war, or giving Uncas

the least information, raised an army of nine hundred, or a Book I.
thousand men, and marched against him. Uncas's spies -^ ^ . Sgt

discovered the army at some distance and gave him intelli- 1643.
gence. He was unprepared, but rallying between four and Miantoni-
tive hundred of his bravest men, he told them they must by TM°h*a~
no means suffer Mianlonimoh to come into their town ; but ^ith Un-
must go and fight him on his way. Having marched ihree cas.
or four miles, the armies met upon a large plain. When
ihey had advanced within fair bow shot of each other, Un-
cas had recourse to a stratagen, with which he had previ-
ously acquainted his warriors. He desired a parly, and Uncas's
both armies halted in the face of each other. Uncas, gal- s|iatasw».-
lantly advancing in the. front of his men, addressed Mian-
tonimoh to this effect, " You have a number of stout men.
with you, and so have 1 with me. It is a great pity that
such brave warriors should be killed in a private quarrel
between us only. Come like a man, as you profess to be,
and let us fight it out. If you kill me, my men shall be
yours ; but if I kill you, your men shall be mine." Mian-
lonimoh replied, " My men came to fight, and they shall
fight." Uncas falling instantly upon the ground, his men
discharged a shower of arrows upon the Narragansets;
and, without a moment's interval, rushing upon them, in
the most furious manner, with their hideous Indian yell,
put them immediately to flight. The Moheagans pursued
the enemy with the same fury and eagerness with which
they commenced the action. The Narragansets were
driven down rocks and precipices, and chased like a doe
by the huntsman. Among others, Miantonimoh was ex-
ceedingly pressed. Some of Uncas's bravest men, who
were most light of foot, coming up with him, twitched him Miantom-
"back, impeding his flight, and passed him, that Uncas fe"^6^
might take him. Uncas was a stout man, and rushing for- taken
ward, like a lion greedy of his prey, seized him by his prisoner,
shoulder. He knew Uncas, and saw that he was now in
the power of the man whom he had hated, and by all means
attempted to destroy ; but he sat down sullen and spake
not a word. Uncas gave the Indian whoop and called up
his men, who were behind, to his assistance. The victo-
ry was complete. About thirty of the Narragansets were
slain, and a much greater number wounded. Among the
latter was a brother of Miantonimoh and two sons ofCa-
nonicus, a chief sachem of the Narraganset Indians. The
brother of Miantonimoh was not only wounded, but armed
with a coat of mail, both which retarded his flight. Two
of Miantonimoh's captains, who formerly were Uncas's
men, but had treacherously deserted him, discovering his

Book I. situation, took him and carried him to Uncas, expecting in v^-vv^ this way to reconcile themselves to their sachem. But Un1643. cas and his men slew them. Miantonimoh made no request, either for himself or his men ; but continued in the same sullen, speechless mood. Uncas, therefore, demanded of him why he would not speak. Said he, " Had you taken me, I should have besought you for my life." Uncas, for the present, spared his life, though he would not ask it, and returned with great triumph to Moheagan, carrying the Narraganset sachem, as an illustrious trophy of his victory.*

The famous Samuel Gorton and his company had purchased lands of Miantonimoh, under the jurisdiction of Massachusetts and Plymouth ; and expected to be vindicated in their claims, by him, against those colonies, and against the Massachusetts and Plymouth sachems, who were the original proprietors. Therefore, when the news of Uncas' victory, and of the capture of Miantonimoh, arrived, at Providence, they sent to Uncas to deliver Miantonimoh, threatening him that the power of the English should be employed against him, if he refused a compliance. ,. Uncas, therefore, carried his prisoner to Hartford, to ad

Ijncs* CQr* . * t 1 !". i

rie? him to vtse with "ie governor and magistrates, with respect to

Hartford, his conduct in such a situation.

"nd ^hVh" .^'ne governor and magistrates were of the opinion that,

governor.6 as there was no open war between them and the Narragansets, it was not prudent for them to intermeddle with the quarrel ; but advised, that the whole affair should be referred to the commissioners of the united colonies at their meeting in September.

Miantoni- ^ow lonS Miantonimoh continued speechless, does not appear ; but it is certain, that when he came to Hartford,

kept at his mouth was opened. He most earnestly pleaded to be Hartford. jeft in the custody of the English. He probably expected more safety and better treatment with them, than with Uncas. Uncas consented to leave him at Hartford, but insisted that he should be kept as his prisoner. He was, therefore, kept under guard at Hartford, until the meeting of the commissioners,

On the 7th of September, the commissioners met at BosIon. Governor Winthrop and Thomas Dudley, Esquires, were commissioners for Massachusetts ; George Fenwick Book I. and Edward Hopkins, Esquires, for Connecticut; and v^-s/--w/ Theophilus Eaton and Thomas Gregson, Esquires, for J643. New-Haven.* Governor Winthrop was chosen President. The whole affair of Uncas and Miantonimoh was laid before the commissioners, and the facts already related were, in their opinion, fully proved ; not only his attempts upon the life of Uncas, but th.at he had been the principal author of inflaming and stirring up the Indians to a general confederacy against all the English plantations. It also appeared that, instead of delivering the Pequot, who had shot Uncas, as he promised in open court, he had murdered him on the road from Boston to Narraganset. It was also affirmed to the commissioners, that the Narragansets had sent for the Mohawks, and that they were come within a day's journey of the English settlements, and were kept back only by the capture of Miantonimoh: That they were waiting for his release, and then would prosecute their designs against the English, or Uncas, or against both, as the Indians should determine. The commissioners, having fully considered the premises, laid the affair before five or six of the principal ministers in Massachusetts, and took their advice relative to the lawfulnes.s and justice of putting him to death. They gave it as their opinion, that he ought to be put to death. The commissioners finally resolved, Determi" That as it was evident that Uncas could not be safe, nation of while Miantonimoh lived; but that, either by secret treach- th»c.nmery or open force, his life would be continually in danger, TMrcernins he might justly put such a false and blood-thirsty enemy Miantonito death." They determined Uncas should not do it in molu any of the English plantations, but in his own jurisdiction. At the same time, they advised, that no tonure or cruelty, but all mercy and moderation be exercised in the manner of his execution.

* This accouut is taken from a manuscript of Mr. Hyde, of Norwich, from governor VVinthrop's Journal, aud from the records of the united colonies, in one or other of which, all the facts are ascertained. The manuscript represents Miantonimoh as having 900, and Uncas 600 men. The records of the united colonies represent, that Miantonimoh had 900, or 1000 men, and that Uncas had not half eo many. Governor Winthrop's Account is essentially tie same.

The commissioners also determined, that if the Narragansets, or any other Indians, should unjustly assault Uncas, on the account of the execution of Miantonimoh, tho English should, upon his desire, assist him against such vi olence.t

Governor Winthrop writes, " It was clearly discovered to us, that there was a general conspiracy among the Indians, to cut off all the English; and that Miantonimoh was the head and contriver of it: That he was of a turbulent and proud spirit, and would never be at rest: and that he had killed the Pequot contrary to his promise.J

* The commissioners for f lymouth are not upon record this year. It n probable that tb.ey did not arrive until after the commissioners bad forr ined. 1 . Records of the muted colonies. } Winthrop's Journal, p. 305, 30C

Book I. The commissioners had received intimations, that the

^-v^+s Narragansets had it in contemplation to capture one or

1643 more of them, with a view to the redemption of Miantoni

moh. Their determination respecting his execution, was

therefore kept as a profound secret, until after the return

of the commissioners of Connecticut and New-Haven, lest

it should inflame and engage them, in earnest, to make the

attempt.

July 20th, Previously to the meeting of the commissioners, the the Dutch Dutch governor had written a letter to governor Winthrop, wrote to containing high congratulations on the union of the colo

Wiattirop. n'es, an(^ at "*e same t'me making grievous complaints of Connecticut and New-Haven, as having committed unsufferable injuries against the Dutch, and as having given misinformation respecting them to their agent in Europe. He desired a categorical answer from governor Winthrop, whether he would aid or desert them, that he might know who were his friends, and who were his enemies. The governor, after consulting with some few of his council, Governor wno were at hand, wrote an answer, in part, to the Dutch Win- governor, reserving to himself one more full, at the session throp's re- of the general court. He represented his sorrow for the "" differences which had arisen between the Dutch and his brethren at Hartford, suggesting that they might be settled by arbitrators, either in England, Holland, or America. He observed, that by the articles of confederation, each colony was obliged to seek the safety and welfare of the other colonies, no less than its own. He hoped however, that this would not interrupt the friendship which had subsisted between them and the Dutch. The governor observed, that the controversy at Hartford was for a small piece of land only, which, in so vast a continent as this, was of too little value to make a breach between protestants so related in profession and religion, as the Dutch and English were. He therefore earnestly desired, that each party would carefully avoid all injuries, until the differences between them should be amicably accommodated, by an impartial hearing and adjudication, either in Europe or America.*

The injuri- 1^|ie a^air was now brought before the commissioners. Ous con- Governor Eaton and Mr. Gregson complained of the outduct of the rages which the Dutch had committed against the persons Dutch is an(j prOpcrty of the English, within the limits of New-Hav

laid before r\ i i i i i i re

the com- en, at Delaware, and in other places, and made prooi ot . the injuries of which they complained. The conduct or the Dutch towards Connecticut was also laid before th« commissioners, by governor Hopkins and Mr. Fenwick, Winthrop's Journal, p. 303, 304, 305.

Upon which the president was directed to write a letter, Book I. in the name of the commissioners, to the Dutch governor, ^-^-^ stating the particular injuries which the Dutch had done 1643. the English colonies, and to demand satisfaction. It was They dealso directed, that, as governor Winthrop had, in part answered the Dutch governor's letter respecting Connecticut, he would now, in further answer to it, particularize the injuries done, both to Connecticut and New-Haven, and demand an answer. He was also authorised to assure the Dutch, that as they would not wrong others, so neithes would they desert their confederates in a just cause.t

The Indians, at this period were beginning to acquire the use of fire arms. The French, Dutch and others, for the sake of gain, were vending them arms and ammunition. The Indians were in such a tumultuous and hostile state, as had the appearance of a general war. The commissioners therefore gave orders, that the militia, in the several colonies, should be frequently trained, and completely furnished with arms and ammunition. All the companies were to be mustered and reviewed four times in a year. It was ordered, that all the towns should prepare magazines, in proportion to the number of their militia.

The commissioners, having given the necessary directions for the execution of Miantonimoh, and for the general safety of the country, dispersed and returned to their respective colonies.

Immediately, upon the return of the commissioners of Connecticut and New-Haven, Uncas, with a competent number of his most trusty men, was ordered to repair forthwith to Hartford. He was made acquainted with the determination of the commissioners, and, receiving his prisoner, marched with him to the spot where he had been taken. At the instant they arrived on the ground, one of Uncas's men, who marched behind Miantonimoh, split his Execution head with a hatchet, killing him at a single stroke. He was probably unacquainted with his fate, and knew not by what means he fell. Uncas cut out a large piece of his shoulder, and ate it in savage triumph. He said, " it was the sweetest meat he ever ate, it made his heart strong."

The Moheagans, by the order of Uncas, buried him at the place of his execution, and erected a great heap, or pillar, upon his grave. This memorable event gave the place the name of Sachem's Plain.* Two Englishmen were sent with Uncas, to witness that the execution was Book I. do'ftc', and to prevent all torture and cruelty in the manner vw»-v-x^ of its performance. Connecticut and New-Haven, agree1643. ably to the direction of the commissioners, sent a party of soldiers to Moheagan, to defend Uncas against any assault which might b'e made upon him by the Narragansets, in consequence of the execution of their sachem: Message to Governor Winthrop, at the same time, according to the iiie Narra- onjers which he had received from the commissioners, dispatched messengers to Canonicus, the Narraganset sachem, and the Narraganset Indians, to certify them, that the English had noticed their perfidy, in violating the league between them and the English, from time to time, notwithstanding the English had treated them with love and integrity. They assured them, that they had discovered (heir mischievous plots, in joining with Miantonimoh, in purchasing aid of the Indians, and, by gifts, threats, and allurements, exciting them to a confederacy to root out the whole body of the English. They represented to them their treachery in waging war with Uncas, contrary to their express covenant with him, and with the English. They justified the execution of Miantonimoh, by Uncas, as he was his lawful captive, and as he had practised treachery and murder against him and his subjects. They insisted, that it was both just and agreeable to the practice of the Indians in similar cases. It was declared to be necessary for the safety of Jncas, the peace of the country, and even of the Narragansets themselves. While they firmly and fully represented these facts to them,- they, in the name of the united colonies, tendered them peace and safety. They assured them, that they would defend Uncas and all their allies, whether English or Indians, in their just rights: that if they desired peace, they would exercise equal care and friendship towards them.t

t Records of the united colonies.

* Manuscript of Mr. Hyde. Tbii plain is in the eattern part of the town of Norwich.

The commissioners gave orders, that Connecticut should

provide for the defence of Uncas against any assault or

fury of the Narragansets, or any other Indians.

f>cf irfn at Upon the general election at New-Haven in October,

New-Ha- aOVernor Eaton and Mr. Stephen Goodyear, were re-elect

vrii, Oct. s. , , " Vi iir-if w-i i

stiiii. °d governor and deputy-governor. Mr. William rowler and Mr. Edward Tapp were elected magistrates for Milford, and Thurston Rayner for Stamford. This year, for the first time, the general court at New-Haven, are distinctly recorded and distinguished by the names of governor, deputy-governor, magistrates, and deputies.

It appears that the plantation at Yennycock had not fully attended to the fundamental article of admitting nom; -' Records of the Uuit«d Colonies*

to be free burgesses, but members of the church. It was, Book I. therefore, at this general court, decreed," That none should v^-v-vs be admitted free burgesses in any of the plantations,, but 1643. $uch as were members of some approved church in New- Progress of England: that such only should have any vote in elections; *** *nd and that no power for ordering any civil affairs, should be Ne"_ put into the hands of any but such." Haven.

It was enacted, that each town in the jurisdiction should choose their own judges, in ordinary cases. They were authorised to judge in civil cases, not exceeding twenty shillings, and in criminal cases, in which the punishment did not exceed setting the delinquent in the stocks, whip, ping him, or fining not exceeding five pounds. If there were a magistrate, or magistrates, in the towns in which these town courts were holden, then the magistrate, or magistrates, were to sit in the court, and judgment was to be given with a due respect to their advice. From these courts, there was liberty of appeal to the court of vmagistrates.

It was granted, that all the free burgesses in the planta- Privileges tions, should vote in the choice of governors, magistrates, offreemen* secretary, and treasurer. It was also granted, that each town should have a magistrate, if they desired it, chosen from among their own free burgesses.

At this general court, a court of magistrates was appoint- Court of ed, consisting of all the magistrates in the jurisdiction. magitThey were to meet twice, annually, at New-Haven, on the |^,e^TM" Mondays preceding the general courts in April and October. This court was authorised to receive appeals from the plantation courts, and to try all important causes, civil and criminal. Every magistrate was obliged, on penalty of a fine, to give his attendance. Four magistrates constituted a quorum. All judgments of the court were to be determined by a major vote. All trials were decided by the bench. It does not appear that juries were ever used in the colony of New-Haven.

The court enacted, that there should be two general Act rfecourts for this colony, to meet at New-Haven, on the first J Wednesday in April, and the last in October, annually. It was decreed, that the general court should consist of a deputy-governor, magistrates, and two deputies from each town. In the last of these general courts, a governor, deputy-governor, magistrates, secretary, treasurer, and marshal, or high sheriff, were to be annually chosen. The governor, or, in his absence, the deputy-governor, had power to call a general court, upon pressing emergencies, and whenever it might b« necessary. All the members

Book I. were obliged to attend, upon penalty of twenty shillings v^-v~>*' fine, in case of default. It was ordained, that in this court

1643. should subsist the supreme power of the commonwealth. General It was particularly ordained, that tlic general court court to should, with all care and diligence, endeavour to maintain

provide . ... ... , ° ......

for the pu-the purity of religion, and to suppress all rrreligion, acrfty of re- cording to the best light they could obtain from the divino ligjou. oracles, and by the advice of the elders and churches in the jurisdiction, so far as it might concern, the civil power.*

The Dutch The Dutch were this year exceedingly harassed and »pply to distressed by the Indians, and made application togovernven for " or Eaton and the general court, soliciting that a hundred help a- men might be rnised in the plantations, for their assistance tcam-t the against such barbarous enemies.

" ''''^" The war between the Dutch and Indians began in this ofthewar manner- A drunken Indian, in his intoxication, killed a between Dutchman. The Dutch demanded the murderer, but he the Dutch was not to be found. They then made application to their dlani"" governor to avenge the murder. He, judging it would be unjust or unsafe, considering the numbers of the Indians, and the weak and scattered state of the Dutch srttlements, neglected to comply with their repeated solicitations. Iri the mean time the Mohawks, as the report was, excited by the Dutch, fell suddenly on the Indians, in the vicinity of the Dutch settlements, and killed nearly thirty of them. Others fled to the Dutch for protection. One Marine, a Dutch captain, getting intelligence of their state, made application to the Dutch governor, and obtained a commission to kill as many of them as it should be in his power. Collecting a company of armed men, he fell suddenly upon the Indians, while they were unapprehensive of danger, and made a promiscuous slaughter of men, women and children, to the number of seventy or eighty. This instantly roused the Indians, in that part of the country, to a furious, obstinate and bloody war. In the spring, and beginning of the summer, they burnt the Dutch out-houses ; and driving their cattle into their barns, they burned thr barns and cattle together. They killed twenty or more of the Dutch people, and pressed so hard upon them that they were obliged to take refuge in their fort, and to seek help of the English. The Indians upon Long-Island united in the war with those on the main, and burned the Dutch houses and barns. The Dutch governor in this situation, invited captain Underbill from Stamford to assist him in the war. Marine, the Dutch captain, was so exasperated * Records of New-Haven, fol. vol. >. p. 73,74, 75,

with this proceeding that he presented his pistol at the Book I, governor, and would have shot him, but was prevented by ^x-v-w one who stood by him. Upon this one of Marine's ten- 1643. ants discharged his musket at the governor, and the ball but just missed him. The governor's sentinel shot the tenant and killed him on the spot. The Dutch, who at first were so forward for a war with the Indians, were now, when they experienced the loss and dangers of it, so irritated at the governor, for the orders which he had given, that he could not trust himself among them. He was obliged to keep a constant guard of fifty Englishmen about his person. In the summer and fall the Indians killed fifteen more of the Dutch people, and drove in all the inhabitants of the English and Dutch settlements, west of Stamford.

In prosecution of their works of destruction, they made a visit to the neighbourhood where Mrs. Hutchinson, who had been so famous, at Boston, for her Antinomian and familistical tenets, had made a settlement. The Indians, at first, appeared with the same friendship with which they used to frequent her house ; but they murdered her and all her family, Mr. Collins, her son in law, and several other persons, belonging to other families in the neighbourhood. Eighteen persons were killed in the whole. The Indians, with an implacable fury, prosecuted the destruction of the Dutch, and of their property, in all that part of the country. They killed and burned their cattle, horses and barns without resistance. Having destroyed the settlements in the country, they passed over to the Dutch plantations on Long-Island, doing all the mischief of which they were capable. The Dutch, who escaped, were confined to their fort, and were obliged to kill and eat their cattle, for their subsistence. Their case was truly distressing.* It demanded succour as far as it could have been consistently given.

Governor Eaton and the general court, having maturely considered the purport of the Dutch governor's letter, rejected the proposal for raising men and assisting in the war against the Indians. Their principal reasons were, that joining separately in war, was prohibited by the articles of confederation ; and that they were not satisfied that the Dutch war with the Indians was just.

Nevertheless it was determined, that if the Dutch needed corn and provisions for men or cattle, by reason of the destruction which the Indians had made, the court would give them all the assistance in its power.f

* Wint&rop's Journal, p. 272,273 and 308. i Accords of New-Haven.

Book I. The war continued several years, and was bloody and v^v-v^ destructive both to the Dutch and Indians. Captain Un1643. derhill had the principal management of it, and was of great service to the Dutch. He collected a flying army of a hundred and twenty, and sometimes of a hundred and fifty men, English and Dutch, by which he preserved the Dutch settlements from total destruction. It was supposed, that, upon Long-Island and on the main, he killed between four and five hundred Indians.t

The Indians at Stamford too much caught the spirit of the western Indians in their vicinity, who were at war with the Dutch. They appeared so tumultuous and hostile, that the people at Stamford were in great fear, that they should soon share the fate of the settlements at the westward of them. They wrote to the general court at NewHaven, that in their apprehensions there were just grounds of a war with those Indians, and that if their houses should be burned, because the other plantations would not consent to war, they ought to bear the damage.

The Narraganset Indians were enraged at the death of their sachem. The English were universally armed. The strictest watch and guard was kept in all the plantations. In Connecticut, every family, in which there was a man capable of bearing arms, was obliged to send one com-: plete in arms, every Lord's day, to defend the places of public worship. Indeed all places wore the aspect of -i general war.

t Dr. Belknap's Hist. vol. i. p. S0.

Public fasts appointed. Indiana continue hostile, and commit murder. Acts of the commissioners respecting them. Branford settled. Towns in Connecticut. Message of the commissioners to the Narragansets. Their agreement respecting Uncas. Long-Island Indians taken under the protection of the United Colonies. Massachusetts claim part of the Pequot country and Waranoke. Determination of the commissioners respecting said claim. Agreement with Mr. Fenwick relative to Saybrookfort and the adjacent country. Fortifications advanced. Extraordinary meeting of the commissioners to suppress the outrages of the Narragansets. War proclaimed and troops sent against them. They treat and prevent war. Fairfield object to a jury of six. Controversy with the Dutch. The Indians plot against the life of governor Hopkins and other principal gentlemen at Hartford. Damages at Windsor, Battle between the Dutch and Indians. Losses of New-Haven. Dispute with Massachusetts relative to the impost at Saybrook. Mr. Winthrop's claim of the Nehantick country. Settlement of accounts between the colonies.

THE affairs both of Old and New-England, wore so P^iic gloomy an aspect, at this time, that the pious people, in the colonies, judged extraordinary fasting and prayer to be their indispensable duty. The flames of civil discord were kindled in England, and the tumultuous and hostile state of the natives in the united colonies, threatened them with a bloody and merciless Indian war. The general court of Connecticut therefore ordained a monthly fast, through the colony, to begin on Wednesday, the 6th of January. New-Havpn had before appointed a fast, at the same time, in all the plantations in that jurisdiction. Indeed, this was practised, throughout the united colonies, during the civil wars in England. The colonists sympathized with their brethren, in their native country, and conformed to them in their days of humiliation and prayer.

The freemen of Connecticut and New-Haven, exhibited Freemen a remarkable example of steadiness in the election of civ- steady. il officers. Nearly the same persons were chosen annually into places of principal trust as long as they lived. This year Edward Hopkins, Esq. was chosen governor, and

John Haynes, Esquire, deputy-governor. The other magistrates were the same as they had been the last year, except Mr. William Swain, who was chosen into the magistracy. Mr. Haynes and Mr. Hopkins were generally elected, alternately governor and deputy-governor, during their respective lives. The reason of this annual change of them, from governor to deputy-governor, was because the constitution prohibited the choice of any man governor, more than once in two years.

At New-Haven, governor Eaton was annually elected to the oilier of governor, during his life ; and Mr. Stephen Goodyear was generally chosen deputy-governor.

The Indians were no more peaceable this year, than they were the last. Those in the western part of Connecticut, still conducted themselves in a hostile manner. In the spring, they murdered a man belonging to Massachusetts, between Fairfield and Stamford. About six or eight weeks after the murder was discovered, the Indians promised to deliver the murderer, at Uncoway, if Mr. Ludlow would appoint men to receive him. Mr. Ludlow sent ten men for that purpose; but as soon as the Indians came within sight of the town, they, by general consent, unbound the prisoner and suffered him to escape. The English were sq exasperated at this insult, that they immediately seized on eight or ten of the Indians, and committed them to prispn. There was among them not less than one or two sachems. Upon this, the Indians arose in great numbers about the town, and exceedingly alarmed the people, both at Fairfield and Stamford. Mr. Ludlow wrote to New-Haven for advice. The court desired him to keep the Indians in durance, and assured him of immediate assistance, should it be necessary and desired, A party of twenty men were draughted forthwith, and prepared to march to Stamford upon the shortest notice. The Indians were held in custody, until four sachems, in those parts, appeared and interceded for them, promising, that if the English would release them, they would, within a month, deliver the murderer to justice.

Not more than a month after their release, an Indian went boldly into the town of Stamford, and made a murderous assault upon a woman, in her house. Finding no man at home, he took up a lathing hammer, and approached her as though he were about to pat it into her hand; but, as she was stooping down to take her child from the cradle, he struck her upon the head. She fell instantly with the blow; he then struck her twice, with the sharp part of the hammer, >vhich penetrated her skull. Supposing her to lie dead, he plundered the house, and made his escape. Book I. Soon after, the woman so far recovered, as to describe the \^-o*/ Indian, and his manner of dress. Her wounds, which at 1644. first appeared to be mortal, were finally healed; but her brain was so affected, that she lost her reason.

At the same time, the Indians rose in those parts, with the most tumultuous and hostile appearances. They refused to come to the English, or to have any treaty with them. They appeared, in a very alarming manner, about several of the plantations, firing their pieces, and exceedingly terrifying the.inhabitants. They deserted their wigwams, and neglected to weed their corn. The English had intelligence that the Indians designed to cut them off.. Most of the English judged it unsafe to travel by land, and some of the plantations were obliged to keep a strong guard and watch, night and day. And as they had not numbers sufficient to defend themselves, they made application to Hartford and New-Haven for assistance. They both sent aid to the weaker parts of their respective colonies. New-Haven sent help to Fairfield and Stamford, as they were much nearer to them, than to Connecticut.

After a great deal of alarm and trouble, the Indian, who had attempted the murder of the woman, was delivered up, and condemned to death. He was executed at New-HaVen. The executioner cut off his head with a falchion : injjan ex_ but it was cruelly done. He gave the Indian eight blows, ecuted. before he effected the execution. The Indian sat erect and motionless, until his head was severed from his body.*

Both the colonies of Connecticut and New-Haven, were jmt to great expense, this year, in defending themselves, iuid they were obliged to bear the whole charge, as the measures adopted for their defence, were taken by the order of their respective legislatures, and not by the direction of the commissioners.

The unhappy divisions which continued at Weathersfield, occasioned another settlement under the jurisdiction of New-Haven. As Mr. Eaton, to whom Totoket had been granted, in 1640, had not performed the conditions of the grant, New-Haven, for the accommodation of a number of people at Weathersfield, made a sale of it (o Mr. William Switin, and others of that town. They sold it at the price which it cost them, stipulating with Mr. Swain and his company, that they should unite with that colony, in all theInnd'ainental articles of government. The settlement of tue town immediately commenced. At the same time, Mr. Abraham Pierson, with a part of his church and congregn

Book I. lion, from Southampton, on Long-Island, removed and univ^»-v->^ ted with the people of Weathersneld, in the settlement of 1644. the town. A regular church was soon formed, and Mr. Pierson was chosen pastor. The town was named Branford. Mr. Swain was the principal planter, and, a few years after, was chosen one of the magistrates of the colony of New-Haven, as he had previously been of the colony of Connecticut.

Sept. 5th. The meeting of the commissioners, this year, was at Hartford. Mr. Simon Bradstreet and Mr. William Hawthorne were commissioners from the Massachusetts; Mr. Edward Winslow and Mr. William Brown, from Plymouth; Governor Hopkins and Mr. George Fenwick, for Connecticut ; and Governor Eaton and Mr. Thomas Gregson, from New-Haven.

Commis- No sooner was the meeting opened, than a proposal was

sionereof made by the commissioners from Massachusetts, directed

R?assa' by their general court, that the commissioners from that

claim pre- colony should always have preference to the commission

cedeoce. ersof the other colonies, and be allowed to subscribe first,

in the same order in which the articles of confederation

had been signed.

Upon consideration of the proposal, the commissioners were unanimously of the opinion, that no such thing had cither been proposed, granted, or practised, by the commissioners of the other jurisdictions, in any of their former meetings, though the articles had been subscribed in the presence of the general court of the Massachusetts. They resolved, that the commission was free, and might not receive any thing, but what was expressed by the articles of confederation, as imposed by any general court. Nevertheless, they determined, that, on account of their respect to the Massachusetts, they willingly -granted, that their commissioners in that, and in all future meetings, should subscribe first, after the president, and the commissioners of the other colonies in such order as they were named ia the articles; viz. Plymouth, Connecticut, and New-Haven. The Indians were, this year, almost every where troublesome, and, in some places, in a high state of hostility. In Virginia they generally rose, and made a most horrible massacre of the English, and it was imagined, that there was a general combination among the southern and NewEngland Indians, to destroy all the colonies. The Narraganset Indians, regardless of all their covenants with the English and with Uncas, continued in acts of constant hos- Book I, tility against the latter, and so oppressed the sachems and ^v*"-. Indians under the protection of the Massachusetts, that 1644. they were obliged to dispatch a party of men for their defence and assistance, in fortify ing against these oppressors.

* In two days they massacred about 300 Virginians. Many of them were killed so suddenly nod unexpectedly, that they knew neither the hand Dot weapon by which they fell.

The commissioners immediately sent Thomas Stanton, Message

their interpreter, and Nathaniel Willet, into the Narragan-from *.be , ,'< , . L i commis

set and Moneagan countries, with particular instructions sioner$ to

to their respective sachems. They were instructed to ac- the Inquaint the sachems, that the commissioners were then metdiaa"at Hartford; and that, if they would appear and lay their respective grievances before them, they would judge impartially between them : that the commissioners had heard the report which they had spread abroad concerning Uncas, that he had taken a ransom, in part, for Miantommoh, and afterwards had put him to death; and that he refused to return the ransom. They were directed to assure them, that Uncas utterly denied the charge : that nevertheless, if they would go themselves, or send some of their principal men to Hartford, the commissioners would impartially hear this, and all other differences subsisting between them and the Moheagans, and assist them in the settlement of an amicable correspondence between the two nations; and that the parties should have a safe passage to and from Hartford, without any injury from the English. According to their instructions, they demanded of both parties, that they should commit no acts of hostility against each other in their travels to Hartford, nor on their return to their respective countries; and that all hostilities against each other's plantations should cease, during the hearing and treaty proposed. If either of the parties should refuse to go or send to Hartford, the treaty made in 1638 was to be urged against them, and their engagements not to go to war with each other, until they had acquainted the English with their grievances, and taken their advice. Directions were given, that it should be demanded of the party refusing, what their designs were ? Whether they were for peace or war? Whether they designed to perform their treaties made with the English of Massachusetts and Connecticut ? Or whether they considered them as all broken and void ? The interpreter was charged fully to state all these articles to the Indians, and, having taken their answers in writing, to read them to the sachems, that they might understand and acknowledge them to be the very answers whicji they had given.

In consequence of this message, the Narraganset Indians sent one of their sachems, with other chief men, to prove

Book I. their charge against Uncas, and to treat with the English. - They, also, bound themselves to confirm what their deputies should do in their name. Uncas, also, made his appearance, and the commissioners went into a full hearing Ofa|j differences between the parties. Upon-hearing the case, the commissioners found, that there never had been any agreement between the Narragansets and Uncas, for tne redemption of Miantonimoh, nor any thing paid, in whole or in part, for his ransom. Notwithstanding, they declared, that if the Narragansets should hereafter be able to prove what they had alledged against Uncas, that they would order him to make full satisfaction. They also resolved, that neither the Narragansets nor Nehanticks should make any war or assault upon Uncas, or any of his men. until they should make proof of the pretended ransom, and that Uncas had refused to make them satisfaction.

The Narraganset sachem and his counsellors, upon conofthe Nar- saltation together, stipulated, in behalf of the Narraganset ragausets. an(j j^h^i^ Indians, that no hostility should be committed against Uncas, or any of his Indians, until after the next year's time of planting corn. They also covenanted, that, before they began war, they would give thirty days notice, either to the governor of Massachusetts or Connecticut. Thus, for the present, by the vigorous and prudent exertions of the colonies and their commissioners, an Indian war was prevented.

The Long- Yoncho, Winntanse, Moughmatow, and Weenaganinim. Wand Iu- sachems of Monhauset and its vicinity, on Long-Island, ken'undiT w'tn tnc'r companies, appeared before the commissioners, protection and represented, that they, and the Long-Island Indians, "filiecolo- hail been tributaries to the English ever since the Pequot Btes. war, and that they had never injured the English nor the Dutch, but had been friendly to both. They, therefore, desired a certificate of their relation to the English, and to be taken under the protection of the united colonies. Upon this representation, the commissioners gave them a certificate, and declared, that it was their desire, while they continued peaceable, and did not intermeddt* with the quarrels of other Indians, they and their companies might enjoy ample peace, without any disturbance from the English, or any in connection or friendship with them. Massa- In this meeting, the commissioners of Massachusetts laid

chusetis c|ajtn to part of the Pequot country, on the footing of joint

rjntmsthe ' <r.. j i i_ „ V. r i_

Pequot conquest. i hey desired, that a division of the country country might be made, or some way prescribed, by which the affair might be compromised.

Mr. Fenwick, in behalf of himself, and the noblemen and gentlemen in England, particularly interested in the lands Book I. in question, pleaded, that nothing in their absence might be v^-v-^/ determined against their title. He insisted, that Pequot 164-1. harbour, and the lands in the adjacent country, were of .great consequence to the gentlemen interested iu the Coiir necticut patent. He said they had a special respect to them, in their consultations, relative-to a plantation in these parts.

The commissioners judged, that a convenient time ought Detenmto be given -.-j those noble personages to plead their right, and that all patents, of equal authority, ought to have t same construction, both with reference to propriety and jurisdiction.

The commissioners of Massachusetts also made claim to claim of Waranoke, now Westfield, as lying within the limits of Massachuihcir patent. Mr. Fcnwick, at the same time, claimed it^*lsto as covered by the patent of Connecticut. However, as it o^eTM" appeared to the commissioners, that Mr. Fenwick had ' promised, before this meeting, either to clear his title to Waranoke, or submit to the government of Massachusetts, they determined, that Waranoke, with Mr. Hopkins's trailing house, and the other houses and lands in that plantation, should be under the jurisdiction of Massachusetts, until it should be made evident to which colony they belonged ; but that the propriety of the land should belong to the purchase-TSj provided it should not exceed two ihousanu acres.

The reverend Mr. Shepard wrote to the commissioners, Contriburenresenting the necessity of further assistance for thetl(?n,for

/ i i . rf \- i i scholars at

support ol scholars at Cambridge, whose parents werecam_ needy, and desired them to encourage a general contribu- bridge. tion through the colonies. The commissioners approved the motion; and, for the encouragement of literature, recommended it to the general courts in the respective colonies, to take it into their consideration, and to give it general encouragement. The general courts adopted the recommendation, and contributions of grain and provisions were annually made, through the united colonies, for the charitable end proposed.

At this meeting a plan was concerted by the commisr e loners, for a general trade with the Indians, by a joint stock. It was proposed to begin the trade with a stock of five or six thousand pounds, and to increase it to twenty thousand or more. It was designed, that each general court should approve and establish the trade, with peculiar privileges, for the term of twenty years: but it was never adopted. It seems it did not comport with the views 1644,

Book I. of the general court of Massachusetts; and this, notwiihstanding the confederation, rendered all the determinations of the commissioners void, which were not agreeable to their views and interests.

As the Indians were numerous, and began to learn the use of fire arms, all trading with them, in any of the united colonies, in guns, ammunition, swords, or any warlike instruments, directly or indirectly, was prohibited, upon the penalty of a fine of twenty times the value of the articles thus unlawfully sold. It was also recommended to the several courts, to prohibit all vending of arms and ammunition to the French or Dutch, because they immediately disposed of them to the Indians. Every smith was ftnv bidden to mend a gun or any warlike instrument for an Indian, upon a severe penalty.*

South-Hampton, on Long-Island, was, by the advice of the commissioners, taken under the jurisdiction of Connecticut. This town was settled in 1640. The inhabitants of Lynn, in Massachusetts, became so straitened at home, that, about the year 1639, they contracted with the agent of Lord Sterling, for a tract of land on the west end of Long-Island. They also made a treaty with the Indians, and began a settlement, but the Dutch gave them so much trouble, that they were obliged to desert it, and remove further eastward. They collected nearly a hundred families and made a permanent settlement at South-Hampton. By the advice of the general court of Massachusetts, they entered into a combination among themselves, to maintain civil government. A number of them regularly formed themselves into church state, before they removed to the Island, and called Mr. Abraham Pierson to be their pastor. He had been a minister in Yorkshire, in England. Upon his arrival in New-England, he became a member of the church at Boston, whence he was called to the work of the ministry at South-Hampton.t This year he removed with part of his church to Branford. It seems that they were rot pleased that the town had put itself under the jurisdiction of Connecticut.

This year a committee, consisting of the governor, deputy-governor, and several other gentlemen, were appointed by the general court of Connecticut, to treat with George Fenwick, Esquire, relative to the purchase of Saybrook fort, and of all guns, buildings and lands in the colony, which he, and the lords and gentlemen interested in the patent of Connecticut, might claim. The next December

they came to an agreement with Mr. Fenwick, to the fol- Book I. Jowing effect: v-x-xx^^

"Articles of agreement made and concluded betwixt 1644. George Fenwick, Esquire, of Saybrook fort, on the one Agreement part, and Edward Hopkins, John Haynes, John Mason, John Steele, and James Boosy, for, and on the behalf of j the jurisdiction of Connecticut river, on the other part, the n*c. 6, 5th of December, 1644.

" The said George Fenwick, Esq. doth make over to the use and behoof of the jurisdiction of Connecticut river, to be enjoyed by them forever, the fort at Saybrook, with the appurtenances : all the land upon the river Connecticut; and such lands as are yet undisposed of, shall be ordered and given out by a committee of five, whereof George Fenwick, Esq. is always to be one. The said George Fenwick doth also promise, that all the lands from Narraganset river, to the fort of Saybrook, mentioned in a patent granted by the earl of Warwick, to certain nobles, and gentlemen, shall fall in under the jurisdiction of Connecticut, if it come into his power."*

* About this time died George Wyllys, Esq. the venerable ancestor of the U yljyses in Connecticut. He was possessed of a fair estate, at Knapton, in the county of Warwick, worth j£500 a year. In 1636, he sent over William Gibbons, the steward of his house, with twenty men, to prepare him a seat at Hartford. They purchased, and took possession of a fine tract of land, erected buildings, and planted a garden upon that pleasant plat, which has ever since been the principal seat of the family. In 16.18 jie came over with his household ; and, at the election in 16^9, was chosen into the magistracy, in which he continued about five years, until his death. In 1641, he was chosen deputy-governor, and in 1642, governor of the colony. It appears from the manuscripts of the family, that bolli he and Mrs. Wyljys were eminently pious, living with all the exactness uf the Puritans of that day. From love to undefiled religion, and purity in divine ordinances and worship, they exchanged their pleasant seat and easy circumstance; in England, for the dangers and hardships of a wilderness in America. He left one son, Samuel, about twelve years of age. He was educated at Camhridge, where he was graduated 1653; and the next year was chosen one of the magistrates for Connecticut, at about twenty-two years of age. It appears by his manuscripts, that he became deeply impressed with the truths and importance of religion, at college, under the ministry of Mr. Shepard ; and the spirit of his pious parents descended upon him. He married a daughter of governor Haynes, who appeared equally to have imbibed the spirit of her Saviour. In his manuscripts, he describes the excellent examples which their parents had exhibited, and the pious pains they employed iq their education; teaching them, from .childhood, to pray always in secret, private and public ; to venerate tlw sabbath, and the divine word ; and to attend all christian institutions ami duties.

After bearing testimony to the great advantages of such an education, and to the comfort which they had experienced in the duties, in which they had been educated, he warmly recommends them to his children, and their posterity.

The family is ancient, and may be traced back to the reign of Edward the IV. more than three centuries. It has well supported its dignity to the present time. Some of the family have been magistrates or secretaries of <he colony for more than a century and an half. May the descendants ev> er inherit its virtues and honor* !

Book I. On the part of Connecticut it w-as stipulated, " That

x^-v-^/ the said George Fenwick, Esq. should enjoy all the hous

1645. ing* belonging to the fort for the space of ten years. And

that a certain duty on corn, biscuit, beaver and cattle,

which should be exported from the river's mouth, should

be paid to him during the said term."

The.ecnc- Upon the 4th of February, 1C45, the general court of ralcourt Connecticut confirmed this agreement with Mr. Fenwick, confirm anc] passctj an act imposing a duty of two pence per bushment^wHh e' uPon a" gra''^ s'x pence upon every hundred weight ol Mr. Fen- biscuit, and a small duty upon all beaver exported from wick, Feb. tne mouth of the river, during the term of ten years, fronj M the first day of March ensuing. It was also enacted, that

an entry should be made of all grain laden on board any vessel, of the number of bushels, and of the weight of biscuit, and that a note of the same be delivered to Mr. Fenwick, upon the penalty of forfeiting the one half of all such grain and biscuit as should be put on board and not thus certified. The colony, on the whole, paid Mr. Fenwick 1,600 pounds sterling, merely for the jurisdiction right, or for the old patent of Connecticut. The general court, the July 19th. next July, ordered that a tax of two hundred pounds should be levied on the plantations in the colony, to defray the charge of advancing the fortifications at Saybrook fort. A committee was appointed, at the same time, to bargain with Mr. Griffin for that purpose, and to make provision for the immediate completion of the fortifications in view. A letter was also dispatched, from the court, to Mr. Fenwick, desiring him, if his circumstances would permit, to make a voyage to England, to obtain tin enlargement of the patent, and to promote other interests of the colony. Hostility Notwithstanding the unwearied pains tnc commissioner the Nar-ers ortne colonies, and the colonies themselves, had taken to prevent hostilities among the Indians, and to preserve the peace of the country, the perfidious Narragansets were continually waging war. Pessacus and the Narraganset Indians, in violation of all their treaties, had repeatedly invaded the Moheagan country and assaulted Uncas in his fort. They had killed and taken numbers of his men, and so pressed him, that both Connecticut and NewHaven were obliged to dispatch parties of men to his assistance, to prevent the enemy from completely conquering him and his country. Governor Winthrop therefore called a special meeting of the commissioners, at Boston, on the 28th of June, Book I. 1645. Governor Winthrop and Mr. Herbert Pelham, .^>/->^ were commissioners for Massachusetts, Mr. Thomas Prince 1645. and Mr. John Brown for Plymouth, Edward Hopkins and ExtraorGeorge Fenwick, Esquires, for Connecticut, governor di""7 Eaton and Mr. Stephen Goodyear for New-Haven. TMfethc

* An old word, meaning the quantity ef inhabited building*.

Immediately on the meeting of the commissioners, they commisdispatched messengers into the Narraganset and Mohea- y°TM8!^ gan countries. They were charged to acquaint the sa- Messcn. chems and Indians of the respective tribes, that if they gers, sent would go to Boston, the commissioners would impartially *°thc hear and determine all their differences; and that, howev- set^f.anr cr the treaty might end, they should be allowed to go and suited, return in safety. The sachems, at first, seemed to give some fair speeches ; but finally determined, that they would neither go nor send to Boston. The Narragansets insulted and abused the messengers, and uttered haughty and threatening speeches against the English. One of the sachems declared, that he would kill their cattle and pile them in heaps ; and that an Englishman should no sooner step out at his doors than the Indians would kill him. He declared that, whoever began the war, he would continue it; and that nothing should satisfy him but the head of Uncas. On the whole, the messengers were obliged to return without effecting any good purpose. By them Mr. Williams wrote to the commissioners, assuring them that an Indian war would soon break out; and that, as a preparative, the Narragansets had concluded a neutrality with Providence and the towns upon Aquidney island.

These reports roused the English spirit. The commissioners, considering that the Narragansets had violated all their treaties, killed a number of the Moheagans, taken others captive, destroyed their corn2 and, with great armies, besieged Uncas in his fort; and besides, that they had highly insulted the united colonies and abused their messengers, determined that an immediate war with them, ivas both justifiable and necessary.

However, as they wished to act with prudence as well us spirit, and to give general satisfaction in an affair of ;uch moment, they desired the advice of the magistrates, ciders, and a number of the principal military officers in the Massachusetts. These assembled, and were unanimously of the opinion, that their engagements obliged them to defend Uncas and the Moheagans : that the defence which they were obliged to give, according to the common acceptation of such engagements, extended not Book I. barely to the defence of Uncas and his men in their fort, x^v«w but to his estate and liberties ; and that the aid to be given

1645. must be immediate, or he would be totally ruined. \Varwith It was therefore determined, that a war with the Indians the Narra- was j,,stj tnat tne case shoukl be stated in short, and war,

detenu!*- w'tn tnc reasons °f '*» be proclaimed. A day of fasting *a. and prayer was appointed on the fourth of September. It

was resolved, That three hundred men should be forthwith raised, and sent against the enemy. Massachusetts were to furnish 190, Plymouth and Connecticut 40 each, and New-Haven 30. As the troops from Connecticut and New-Haven, who had assisted in defending Uncas, the former part of the summer, were about to return to their respective colonies, forty men were impressed in the Massachusetts, and marched in three days, completely armed and victualled. These were commanded by Humphry Atherton. Oilers were dispatched to the troops to be raised in Connecticut and New-Haven, to join them at Moheagan. A commission was forwarded to captain Mason to take the command of all the troops, until the whole army should form a junction. The chief command of the army was given to major Edward Gibbons, of Massachusetts. He was instructed not only to defend Uncas, but to invade and distress -the Narragajisets and Nehanticks, with their confederates, lie had instructions to offer them peace. If they would receive it upon honorable terms, he, with his officers, had power to make a treaty with them. If the enemy should flee from the army, and would neither fight nor make peace, the commander had orders to build forts in the Nehantick and Narraganset country ; to which he might gather the enemy's corn and goods, as far as it should be in Lis power.

The Narragansets had sent a present to governor Winthrop, of Boston, desiring that they might have peace with the English, but wage war with Uncas, and avenge the death of Miantonimoh. The governor refused to receive the present upon suchxterms; but the messengers, by whom it was carried, urging that they might leave it until they could consult their sachems, he suffered it to be left with him. The commissioners ordered, that it should 'be immediately returned. Captain Hurding, Mr. Wilbore^ and Benedict Arnold, were sent into, the Narraganset country, to return the present, and to assure Pessacus, Canonicus, Janimo, and the other sachems of the Narraganset and Nehantick Indians, that they would neither receive tfaeir presents, nor give them peace, until they should make satisfaction for past injuries, and give security for their peaceable conduct for the future. They were to certify the In- Book I. dians, that the English were ready for war; and that ifv^-vx^ war was their choice, they would direct their affairs for 1645. that purpose. At the same time, they had orders to assure them, that if they would make satisfaction for the damages which they had done, and give security for their peaceable conduct, in time to come, they should know, that the English were as desirous of the peace, and as tender of the blood of the Narragansets, as they had ever been.

The messengers prosecuted their journey with great dispatch, and brought back word, that Pessacus, chief sachem of the Narragansets, and others, were coming to Boston forthwith, vested with full powers to treat with the commissioners. The messengers, though sent on purpose to carry back the present, and to assure the Indians that the English would not receive it, returned with it to Boston. They also wrote to captain Mason, acquainting him that there were hopes of peace with the Indians.

The commissioners, therefore, while they acknowledged the pains and expedition with which they had accomplished their journey, censured them, for not attending to their instructions. Especially, they judged them worthy of censure, for bringing back the present, and for writing; to captain Mason. The latter, they imagined, could have no other effect than to retard his operations.

The Indians, finding that an army was coming into the heart of their country, made haste to meet the commissioners, and ward off the impending blow. A few days after the return of their messengers, Pessacus, Meeksamo, the eldest son of Canonicus, and Wytowash, three principal sachems of the Narragansets, ana Awashequen, deputy of the Nehanticks, with a large train, arrived at Boston.

They, at first, denied and excused many particulars which the commissioners charged upon them. They insisted on the old story of the ransom, and proposed to make a truce with Uncas, until the next planting time, or for a year. The commissioners assured them, that matters were now come to a crisis, and that they would accept of no such terms. They charged the Indian sachems with their perfidious breach of treaties, with the injuries they had done to Uncas, with their insults of the English, and with the great trouble and expense to which they had put them, to defend Uncas, and maintain the peace of the country. The Indians, finally, though with great reluctance, ac-Thetnknowledged their breach of treaties. One of the sachems dians treat presented the commissioners with a stick, signifying, by for peace.

Book I. that token, that he submitted the terms of war and peace s^r-v-v^ into their hands, and wished to know what they required 1645. of the Indians.

The commissioners represented to them, that the charge and trouble which they had brought on the colonies was very great, besides all the loss and damages which Uncas had sustained. They charged all these, upon their infraction of the treaties which they had made with the colonies, and with Uncas. They assured the Indians, that though two thousand fathom of white wampum would, by no means, be equal to the expense to which they had put the cololiies, entirely by their violation of their treaties ; yet, to show their moderation, they would accept of that sum for all past damages. It was required, that they should restore to Uncas all the captives and canoes which they had taken from him; that they should submit all matters of controversy, between them and Uncas, to the commissioners, at their next meeting; and that they should maintain perpetual peace with the English, and all their subjects and allies. Finally, hostages were demanded, as a security for the performance of the treaty.* These, indeed, were hard terms. The Indians made many exceptions to them ; but as they knew the English were gone into their country, and were fearful that hostilities would be commenced, even while the treaty was pending, they submitted to them. Some abatement was made, as to the times of payment at first proposed, and it was agreed that Uncas should restore to the Narragansets all captives and canoes which he had taken from them. This gave the Narragansets and Nehanticks some ease ; but it was with great reluctance, that they finally signed the articles. Nothing but the necessity of the case, could have been a sufficient inducement.

Articks On the 30th of August, the articles were signed, and the aiijned. Indians left several of their number, as hostages, until the children, who had been agreed upon for a permanent security, should be delivered.

The troops which had been raised were disbanded, and the day appointed for a general fast was celebrated as a day of general thanksgiving.

Designs to New-Haven, this year, appointed Mr. Gregson their

obtain pat-agent to the parliament in England, to procure a patent

enu- for the colony. The court at New-Haven, voted, that it

was a proper time to join with Connecticut, in procuring a

patent from parliament, for these parts.t It appears, that both Connecticut and New-Haven, at this time, had it in Book I. contemplation to obtain charters from parliament, for their v-x-s^-x^ respective jurisdictions ; but Mr. Fenwick, who had been li}4j. desired to undertake a voyage, for this purpose, in beh;ilf of Connecticut, did not accept the appointment, and Mr. Gregson was lost at sea. In consequence of these circumstances, and the state of affairs in England afterwards, the business rested until after the restoration.

* Records of the united colonies, t Rcctrds ofNew-Huvcn.

This year Tunxis was named Farmington. At this Town* in Jime, there were in the colony of Connecticut eight taxa- C'°nnec»«ble towns; Hartford, Windsor, Weatliersfield, Stratford, ^w-Ha. Fairfield, Saybrook, South-Hampton and Farmington. lnveo. the colony of New-Haven were six; New-Haven, Milford, Guilford, Southhold, Stamford and Brantbrd.

In 1646 there was an alteration in the act respecting ju-1646. ties. In 1644, an act passed authorizing the court of magistrates to increase or mitigate the damages given by verdict of the jury. It was now enacted, that whatever al- APril *> terations should be made of this kind, at any time, should be made in open court, in the presence both of the plaintiff and defendant, or upon affidavit made, that they had been summoned to appear.

At this court the town of Fairfield made objections to that part of the act passed in 1644, which admitted of a jury of six. They insisted on twelve jurymen in all cases triable by a jury ; but consented, that eight out of twelve should bring in a verdict. It does not appear, that a jury of six was ever empannelled, after this time. The laws were soon after revised, and ordained a jury of twelve in all cases which required a jury.

The commissioners of the united colonies met, this year, at New-Haven. The Dutch continuing their injurious conduct against the English, complaints were made to the commissioners, of the recent and repeated insults and dam-, ages which they had received from them. Instead of mak-. ing them the least satisfaction for past injuries, they pro.-, ceeded to new instances of insolence and abuse. Kieft Kieft'» wrote a most imperious letter to governor E,aton, charging letterjm<! him, and the people at New-Haven, with an unsatiable de-pro ES" sire of possessing that which belonged to the Dutch nation. He affirmed, that contrary to ancient leagues, between the kings of England and the States General, contrary to the law of nations, and his protestations, they had, indirectly, entered upon the limits of New-Netherlands, He therefore protested against them, as breakers of thn peace and disturbers of the public tranquillity. Indeed he proceeded so far as to threaten, that if the English^ ;it,

New-Haven, did not restore the places which they had usurped, and repair the losses which the Dutch had sustained, that they would, by such means as God should afford, recover them. He affirmed, that the Dutch would not view it as inconsistent with the public peace, but should impute all the evils, which might ensue, to the English.*

Governor Eaton replied to this letter, that the colony under his government had never entered upon any land, to which the Dutch had any known title : That, notwithstanding all the injuries received from the Dutch, and the very unsatisfying answers which their governor had given, from, time to time, the colony, in his apprehensions, had done nothing inconsistent with the law of God, the law of nations, nor with the ancient leagues subsisting between England and Holland. He therefore assured him, that the colony would cheerfully submit all differences, between them and the Dutch, to an impartial hearing and adjudication, either in Europe or America.

The Dutch, at Hartford, maintained a distinct and independent government. They resisted the laws of the colony, and counteracted the natural rights of men. They inveigled an Indian woman who, having been liable to public punishment, fled from her master. It was supposed, that the Dutch kept her for the purpose of wantonness.. Though her master demanded her, as his property, and the magistrates, as a criminal, on whom the law ought to have its course, yet they would not restore her. The Dutch agent at. Hartford, in the heighth of disorder, resisted the guard. He drew his rapier upon the soldiers, and broke it. upon their arms. He then escaped to the fort, and there defended himself with impunity.

The commissioners of Connecticut and New-Haven made complaint of these insults and misdemeanors to the commissioners of the united colonies, and laid open the whole conduct of the Dutch towards them. They represented, that in answer to their complaints of past injuries, they had, instead of satisfaction, received nothing but injury and abuse.

The commissioners, upon a deliberate view of the case, wrote to the Dutch governor, stating how they had written to him from time to time; and, in consideration of the great worth of peace, had attempted to compromise the differences which had so long subsisted between the Dutch and their confederates. They observed to the governor, that he had returned nothing but an ignoramus, with an offen

v. iid' and
-.in! an
express
to the
Dutch
governor.

* Kieft's letter to governor Eaton, on the records of the united colonies, v.

sjve addition, which they left to his review and better con- Book I. sideration. They stated the affair at Hartford, and ob- v^~v-^/ . served, that had the Dutch agent been slain, in the haugh- 1646. ty affront which he had given, his blood would have been, upon his own head. They assured him, that his agent and the company at Hartford, had proceeded to an intolerable state of conduct: that they had forcibly taken away their cattle from authority, and made an assault upon a man, who had legally sought justice for damages which he had sustained: that they struck him, and, in a hostile manner, took his team and loading from him. The commissioners noticed the letter of the Dutch governor to the colony of New-Haven, and manifested their approhation of the answer which governor Eaton had given. They expressed their hopes, that it would give satisfaction. They concluded by observing, that, to prevent all inconveniences which might arise from any part of the premises, they had sent an express, by whom they wished to receive such an answer as might satisfy them of his concurrence with them, to embrace and pursue righteousness and peace.

Several of the Engtish who had traded with the Dutch, had not been able to recover their just debts, and governor Kieft would not afford them that assistance which was necessary for the obtaining of justice. Mr. Whiting, of Connecticut, complained; that an action had been carried against him at Manhatoes, in his absence, and when he had no agent to exhibit his evidence, or plead his cause. He also made complaint, that, upon demanding a just debt, long since due from the Dutch, the governor neglected to give him that assistance which was necessary for the recovery of his right.

The commissioners wrote also to governor Kieft on this subject. They desired him to grant Mr. Whiting a review in the case specified, and proper assistance in the recovery of his debts from the Dutch. They assured him, that all the colonies would grant similar favours to the Dutch in all their courts.

By their express, the commissioners received two letters Dutch letfrom the Dutch governor, in answer to what they had writ- **"an<1 ten, expressed in the same haughty and offensive strain, as pr° e*. liis former letters. He denied that the woman, who had Iieen detained by the Dutch at Hartford, was a servant, with many other facts which had been stated by the commissioners. Instead of submitting the affairs in dispute to a legal decision, either in Europe or America, he still threatened to avenge the injuries of which he complained, force of arms. With respect t<^ other matters of special

Book I. importance, he passed them without the least notice. lie v^-v-^/ compared the commissioners to eagles which soar aloft, and 1646. always despise the little fly; but he assured them, that the Dutch, by their arms, would manfully pursue their rights. He then finished his letters in this remarkable manner:— " We protest against all you commissioners, met at the red mount,* as against breakers of the common league, and, also, infringcrs of the rights of the lords, the states, our superiors, in that you have dared, without our express and special consent, to hold your general meeting within the limits of New Netherlands."

Thccom- The commissioners made a short reply, assuring the era'"TM"l Dutch governor, that they could prove the facts which they had stated to him in their letters; and that the woman whom the Dutch had detained, was a servant, and an important part of her master's property: that she had fled from civil justice, and, by the confession of Mr. David Provost, Dutch agent at Hartford, had been defiled. They insisted, that the conduct of the Dutch at Hartford, was intolerable, and complained, that he had given no orders tu redress the grievances which they had mentioned. They also complained, that he had made no reply to so many important articles, concerning which they had written to him. With respect to the protest, with which he had closed his letter, they observed, that, though it was offensive, yet it agreed with the general strain of his writing; and that he had no more reason to protest against their boldness, in holding their session at New-Haven, than they had to protest against his boldness in the protest which he had sent them. After all the insult which the commissioners received from the Dutch governor, their replies were cool and without threatening.t

Plot This year a horrid plot was concerted among the In

against dians, for the destruction of a number of the principal inHopkins, habitants of Hartford. Sequassen, a petty sachem upon Haynes, the river, hired one of the Waronoke Indians to kill gover*c- nor Hopkins and governor Haynes, with Mr. Whiting, one of the magistrates. Sequassen's hatred of Uncas was insatiable, and, probably, was directed against these gentle-; men, on account of the just and faithful protection which they had afforded him. The plan was, that the Waranoke Indian should kill them, and charge the murder upon Un-. cas, and by that means engage the English against him to his ruin. After the massacre of these gentlemen, Sequas-r

* The Dutch called New-Haven the Red Mount, and the Red Hills, from the appearance of the rocks west and north of the town. t Records of the United Colonies.

sen and the murderer were to make their escape to the Book I. Mohawks. Watohibrough, the Indian hired to perpetrate ^-x-s/-x^ the murder, after he had received several girdles of warn- 1646. pum, as part of his reward, considering how Bushheag, the Indian who attempted to kill the woman at Stamford, had been apprehended and executed at New-Haven, conceived that it would be dangerous to murder English sachems. He also revolved in his mind, that if the English should not apprehend and kill him, he should always be afraid of them, and have no comfort in his life. He also recollected, that the English gave a reward to the Indians who discovered and brought in Bushheag. He therefore determined, it would be better to discover the plot, than to be guilty of so Woody and dangerous an action. In this mind he came to Hartford, a few days after he had received the girdles, and made known the plot. Nearly at the same time the Waranoke Indians did much damage to the people at Windsor, burning up their tar and turpentine, and destroying their tools and instruments, to the value.of a hundred pounds or more. The magistrates at Hartford issued a warrant, and apprehended the Indian whom they supposed to be guilty; but the Indians rose and made an assault upon the officers, and rescued the criminal from justice.

Upon complaint and evidence of these misdemeanors, the commissioners sent messengers to Sequassen, demanding his appearance at New-Haven, and they ordered, that if he would not voluntarily appear, all means, consistent with the preservation of his life, should be used to take him. Messengers were also sent to Waranoke, to the Indians who had done the mischief at Windsor, with orders to seize the delinquents, and bring them off, if they judged they could do it with safety. Sequassen had art enough to keep out of their hands, and those who had done the damage could not be found. The messengers were insulted at Waranoke. The Indians boasted of their arms, primed and cocked their pieces in their presence, and threatened that if a man should be carried away, the Indians would generally rise and fight.

The commissioners, on the whole, judged it not expe- Resolution dient, in the state in which the Indians then were, to pro- respecting cecd any further than to resolve, that if any Indian or In- **?e '"' dians, of what plantation soever, should do any damage to the English .colonies, or to any of their inhabitants, that, upon due proof of it, they would, in a peaceable manner, demand satisfaction. But if any sagamore, or plantation of Indians, should hide, convey away, entertain, or protect such offender or offenders, that then the English would de

Book I. niniui satisfaction of such Indian sagamore or plantation,

<-*-v-x^ and do themselves justice, as they might, upon all such

1646. offenders. At the same time, they declared, that they

would keep peace and amity with all other Indians. This

resolution was to be made known to the Waranoke Indians

in particular,

The Indians, at particular times, were very mischievous, and gave much trouble to all the plantations. Sometime after the settlement of Milford, the Indians there set all the adjacent cduntry on fire. It was supposed that their design was to burn the town : brut the inhabitants were so fortunate as to stop the fires at the swamps and brooks which surround it on the west and north. By this means the town was preserved..

The Mohawks, though not hostile to the English, by coming down and murdering the Connecticut Indians, put the plantations in fear, and gave them not a little trouble. Some years after the settlement of Milford, they came into the town, and secreted themselves in a swamp,* about half a mile east of Stratford ferry, with a view to surprise the Indians at the fort. The English accidentally discovering them, gave notice of it to the Milford Indians. They at once set up the war whoop, and collected such numbers that they ventured to attack them. The Mohawks were overpowered, and several of them taken. One st6ut captive, the Milford Indians determined to kill, by famine and torture. They stripped him naked and tied him up in the salt meadows for the moschetoes to rat and torment to death. An Englishman, one Mine, finding him in this piteous condition, loosed and fed him, and enablatl him to make his escape. This very much concilated the Mohawks towards the English, and especially towards the family of the Hines, whom, it is said, they ever afterwards particularly noticed, and treated with uncommon friendship.

Pcr6dy of The Narraganset and Nehantick Indians neglected to a" perform any part of the treaty which they had made the last year. They neither paid the wampum stipulated, nor met the commissioners, at New-Haven, to settle the differences between them and Uncas. They neither restored the captives nor canoes taken from him, nor made him any compensation for the damages which they had done him. They had attempted to deceive the English with respect to the hostages. Instead of the children of their sachems and chief men, whom they agreed to deliver, they made an attempt to impose upon them children of the lowest ' Ttiis i% known hy the parae of Mohawk swamp to the present tin»e.

rank. Even to this time, they had not brought those Book I. whom they had promised. They were still intriguing vx-v^s with the Mohawks ; and, by presents and various arts, at- 1646. tempting to engage them against the English colonies. The commissioners judged, that they had just occasion to avenge the injuries which they had received, and to seek a recompence by force of arms. However, that they might show their love of peace, and their forbearance towards these barbarians, they dispatched another message to them. In this a full representation was made of these particulars. They were assured, that the commissioners were apprised of their intrigues, and that, in the eyes of all the colonies, they had rendered themselves a perfidious people.

The war between (he Dutch and-Indians continuing, a Battle ov great and general battle was fought between them in that Strickpart of Horseneck commonly known by the name of Strick- l^a land's plain. The action was long and severe, both par- "" ties fighting with firmness and obstinacy. The Dutch, with much difficulty, kept the field, and the Indians withdrew. Great numbers were slain on both sides, and the graves of the dead, for a century or more, appeared like a number of small hills.*

New-Haven having been exceedingly disappointed in Bosses of trade, and sustained great damages at Delaware, and the ^fnw large estates which they brought into New-England rapidly declining, this year, made uncommon exertions, as far as possible, to retrieve their former losses. Combining their money and labors* they built a ship, at Rhode-Island, of 150 tons; and freighted her, for England, with the best part of their commercial estates. Mr. Gregson, captain Turner, Mr. Lamberton and five or six of their principal men embarked on board. They sailed from New-Haven in January, 1647. They were obliged to cut through . the ice to get out of the harbour. The ship foundered at sea, and was never heard of after she sailed. The loss of this ship, with the former losses which the company had sustained, broke up all their expectations with respect to trade, and as they conceived themselves disadvantageous- Attempt* Iy situated for husbandry, they adopted the design of leav-*° reBwve* ing the country. They were invited to Jamaica, in the West-Indies. They had also an invitation to Ireland. It seems they entered into treaties for the city of Galloway, which they designed to have settled, as a small province for themselves.t Nevertheless they were disappointed with respect to all these designs. Their posterity, who

* Manuscripts of the Rev. Stephen Monsoir. 1 Mnjnalia, B. I. p. 25, 26.

Book I. tlicy feared would be reduced to beggary, made respectas^-v-^/ ble farmers, and flourished, with respect to worldly circumstances, no less than their neighbours. . At the election, this year, at Hartford, nine magistrates were chosen. Mr. Cosmore and Mr. Howe were elected for the first time. The other magistrates were the same as in the preceding years.

At this session of the general court, an explanation or addition was made to the tenth fundamental article. By this article, as it stood, it was the opinion of some, that no particular court could be holden, unless the governor and four magistrates were present. It was therefore decreed,' that the governor, or deputy governor, with two magistrates, should have power to keep a particular court, according to the laws established ; and, that in case neither the governor, nor deputy governor should be present, or able to sit, if three magistrates should meet, and choose one of themselves moderator, they might keep a particular court, which to all intents and purposes, should be deemed as legal, as if the governor or deputy governor were present. All orders contrary to this were repealed.!

As tobacco, about this time, was coming into use, in the colony, a very curious law was made for its regulation, or suppression. It was ordered, that no person under twenty years of age, nor any other, who had not already accustomed himself to the use of it, should take any tobacco un-* til he had obtained a certificate from under the hand of an approved physician, that it was useful for him, and until he had also obtained a license from the court. All others, who had addicted themselves to the use of it, were prohibited from taking it, in any company, or at their labors, or in travelling, unless ten miles, at least, from any compahy ; and though not in company, not more than once a day, upon pain of a fine of sixpence for every such offence. One substantial witness was to be a sufficient proof of the crime. The constables of the several towns were to make presentment to the particular courts, and it was ordered,, that the fine should be paid without gainsaying.§ June 2. At a court in June, it was ordered, that the fort and gun* at Saybrook, should be delivered to captain John Mason, and that he should give Mr. Eenwick a receipt for the .premises. At the desire of the people there, captain Maspn was appointed to the chief command of the fort; and was authorized to govern all the soldiers and inhabitants of the town ; to call them forth and put them in such array as might be necessary for the general defence of the country. Book I. Orders were given, that the fortifications should be repair- .^x-v-^/ ed, and that the country rate of Saybrook should be ap- 1647. propriatedto that purpose.

use of
tobacco.

t The enacting style, before the charter, was, It is ordered, sentenced^
and decreed. Sometimes one of the words only was used.
} Records of Connecticut, folio vol. i. p. 162, 183.
i Records of Connecticut,

This court granted to the soldiers of the respective train Soldieri bands in the colony, the privilege of choosing their own of- ^ooa, ticers, to be commissioned by the court. their ofli

The conduct of the Narraganset and Nehantick Indians cerswas so treacherous and hostile that, in midsummer, an ex- July ?60i. traordinary meeting of the commissioners was called at J.*trriIor" Boston. The commissioners were, Thomas Dudley and mating John Endicot. Esquires, from Massachusetts; Mr. William of the Bradford and Mr. John Brown, from Plymouth; governor c.ommisHopkins and captain John Mason, from Connecticut; governor Eaton and Mr. Goodyear, from New-Haven. Thomas Dudley was chosen president.

The Narraganset and Nehantick Indians, had not only neglected the performance of every part of their treaties with the English, but were, by all their arts, plotting against them. By their wampum they were hiring all the Indian nations round about them to combine against the colonies. They had sent messengers and presents to the Mohawks, to engage them in the general confederacy. As this faithless conduct was the occasion of the meeting, the commissioners immediately dispatched messengers to Pessacus, Narra;janNinigrate, Webetomaug, and all their confederates, to de- £ets *eu' clare to them their breach of covenant, and to demand their attendance at Boston. The messengers were 'instructed to assure them, that if they did not appear, they would send to them no more. Pessacus owned, that he had broken covenant, and said it was the constant grief of his spirit. He pretended he would gladly go to Boston, but he was unwell, and could not travel. This was a mere pretence, as there was no appearance of indisposition upon him. He excused himself for not keeping the. treaty, because he was frighted into it by the sight of the English army, which was about to invade his country. He represented, that he was in fear, if he did not make it, the English would follow him home and kill him. He declared, however, that he would send his whole mind by Ninigrate, and that he would abide by whatever he should transact in the affair.

On the 3d of August, Ninigrate, with two of Pessacus's men, and a number of the Nehantick Indians, arrived at Ninigrat» Boston. When Ninigrate came before the commissioners, appears he pretended great ignorance of the treaties between the beforc.°l* and the Indians. He declared, that he knew no g'

Book I. cause why the Narragansets should pay so much wampum.

.^s~v-^, He said they owed nothing to the English. The commis1647. sioners acquainted him, that it was on account of their breach of treaty, and the great charge which, by that means, they had brought on the colonies, that the Narragansets engaged to pay such a quantity. Well knowing his deceit, they charged him as being the very man, who had been the principal cause of all their trouble and expense, relative to the Indians, They declared to him, that he was the sachem who had threatened to pile their cattle in heaps, and to kill every Englishman who should step out at his doors. At so home a charge, which he could not deny, he was not a little chagrined. However, he excused the matter with as much art as possible. With respect to the wampum, he declared, that the Narragansets had not a sufficiency to pay the sum required. The commissioners knew that the Narragansets were a great nation, and that they could, at any time, upon short notice, pay a greater amount than they demanded. They considered the demand, not only as their just due, but as matter of policy, as far as was consistent with justice, to strip them of their wampum, to prevent their hiring the Mohawks, and other Indians, to join with them, in a general war against the colonies. They, therefore, insisted that the whole sum should be paid. They declared to him, that they were not satisfied with his answers. Ninigrate, after he had taken time to consult with his council, the other deputies, who were with him, answered, that he was determined to give the colonies full satisfaction. He desired ten days to send messengers to Narraganset, to collect the wampum due, and offered himself a hostage until their return. The messengers returned with no more than two hundred fathoms. Ninigrate imputed this to his absence. He desired liberty to return, promising, that if the whole sum should .not be paid by the next spring, the commissioners might take his head, and seize his country. The commissioners agreed with him, that if within twenty days, he would deliver a thousand fathoms of wampum, and the remainder which was due by the next planting time, they would dismiss him. They also, for his encouragement, acquainted him, that although they might justly put the hostages to death, for their delays and breach of covenant, yet they would forthwith deliyer them to him ; and if they should find him punctual to his engagements, they would charge former defects to Pessacus. These terms he gladly accepted.

The commissioners from Connecticut, the last year, made complaint, that Mr. Pyncheon and the inhabitants at Book I. Springfield, refused to pay the impost which had been im- >*r-v-**' posed by Connecticut for the maintenance of the fort at 1647. Saybrook. The commissioners judged, that the fort was of great consequence to the towns on the river; but, as the affair of the impost had not been laid before the general court of Massachusetts, and as the commissioners of that colony had no instructions respecting it, a full hearing had been deferred to this meeting.

Meanwhile, the general court of the Massachusetts had taken up the affair, and passed a number of resolutions respecting the impost. These are a curiosity, exhibiting a lively picture of human nature, and, in the course of conduct consequent upon them, will afford a general specimen of the manner in which the Massachusetts anciently treated her sister colonies. The resolutions were, at this meeting, laid before the commissioners, and were to the following effect.

1. That the jurisdiction at Hartford had not a legal pow- Rcs

er to force any inhabitant of another jurisdiction, to pur-1'°"»of t

/. ' i , ,,../,.. court of

chase any fort or lands out of their jurisdiction. Massa

2. That it was injurious to require custom for the main- chusetu, tenance of a fort which is not useful to those of whom it respect'^ was demanded. (heimposV

3. That it was unequal for Connecticut to impose a custom upon their friends and confederates, who have no more benefit of the river, by the exporting or importing of goods, than strangers of another nation, who, though they lived iu Hartford, paid none.

4. That the propounding and standing upon an imposition of custom, to be paid at the river's mouth, by such as were of our jurisdiction, hindered our confederation tea years, and there was never any paid to this day ; and that now to impose it upon them, after their confederation, would put them upon new thoughts.

5. That it appeared to them very hard, that any of their jurisdiction should be forced to such a disadvantage, as would necessarily enslave their posterity, by imposing such rates and customs, as would either constrain them to depart from their habitations, or weaken their estates; especially as they were with the first who took possession of the river, and were at great charge of building, &c. which if they had foreseen, they would not have made a plantation at that place.

6. If Hartford jurisdiction shall make use of their power over any of ours, we have the same power to imitate them in the like kind, which they desired might be forborne on lutious.

Book I. both sides. These resolutions were signed by the secre

v^~v~^*' tary of the colony. 1647. Mr. Hopkins replied, in behalf of Connecticut, that the

Gov. Hop- first article laboured under a great mistake : that the im

km-' reniv pOSjtion wag nejther to buy lands nor the fort. He observed also, that it was not material to what purpose-an impost was applied, if it were lawful in it.self, and did not exceed the bounds of moderation. With respect to the second article, he said, that it impeached all states and nations of injustice, no less than Connecticut: that their practice, in all similar cases, warranted the impost. He urged, that, for twelve years, the fort at Saybrook had been of special service to Springfield ; and that it was so still, and might be fora number of years to come. He therefore insisted, that it was strictly just, that the inhabitants of that town should pay the impost. He said he was willing to risk the case, and have it decided on the principles of strict justice. The third article, he observed, was a mere presumption, and had no just foundation; besides, if it were founded, he argued, that ihe comparison was not equal. The whole of the fourth article, he said, was a mistake : that the confederation was completed in about five years from the first mentioning of it, and that it was not retarded by the means suggested, nor were they ever mentioned. With reference to the fifth article, he replied, that all taxes weakened estates, and if this were a ground of objection against the impost, then no tax or impost could ever be laid. He insisted, that the impost was just and moderate, and, therefore, could not enslave the inhabitants of Springfield. The towns in Connecticut, he observed, were settled before Springfield, and that town had been at no expense in making settlements, more than the towns in Connecticut. Hf said, if Connecticut, at any time, should become exorbitant in its impositions upon any of the colonies, they would find a remedy in the confederation. With reference to the last article, he declared his willingness, in all similar cases, to submit to the like imposition.

The commissioners, upon a full hearing, determined-, that it was of weighty consideration to all the plantations upon the river, that the mouth of it should be secured, and a safe passage for goods, up and down the river, be maintained, though at some expense; and, that as Springfield enjoyed the benefit, the inhabitants should pay the impost of two pence per bushel for corn, and a penny on the pound for beaver, or twenty shillings upon every hogshead. Nevertheless, out of respect and tenderness to the Massachusetts, it was resolved, that Springfield, or tfce general court;

Detenninationof the com

raissioners

might have the liberty of exhibiting further reasons against Book I. ihe impost, if any should occur. v-*-v^f

At this meeting, Mr. John Winthrop, of Pequot, laid 1647. claim to the whole country of the western Nehanticks, in- Mr. w;ncluding a considerable part of the town of Lyme. He re- prop's presented, that he obtained the title to this large tract part- the'TMehanly by purchase, and partly by deed of gift, before the Pe- tick couuquot war. He petitioned the commissioners to this effect: trJ" Whereas I had the land at Nehantick by deed of gift and purchase from the aachem, before the Pequot war, I desire the commissioners would confirm it unto me, and clear it of all claims of English and Indians, according to the equity of the case." As he had no deed nor writing respecting the land, he produced the testimony of three Nehantick Indians. They testified, that before the Pequot war, Sashions, their sachem, called all his men together, and told them, that he Wets determined to give his country to the gover- nor's son, who lived at Pattaquasset,* and that his men gave their consent: that afterwards he went to Mr. Winthrop, at Pattaquasset, and when he came back, said that he had granted all his country to the governor's son; and also, that he had received coats for it, which they saw him bring.home. Three Englishmen also testified, that they had heard the Indians report the same concerning the grant of the Nehantickt country to Mr. Winthrop. Thomas Stanton deposed, that he remembered Sashions, sachem of the Nehanticks, did give his country to Mr. John Wmthrop, before the Pequot war, and that he was interpreter in that business.

The commissioners of Connecticut pleaded against the Reply of claim of Mr. Winthrop, that his purchase bore no date; Connectithat the tract pretended to be purchased or given, was not ^jj circumscribed within any limits; and that it did not appear, that the Indian, who granted the lands, had any right in them: that the grant was verbal, and, at most, could be but a vague business. They also urged, that it did not appear, but that Mr. Winthrop purchased the lands for the noblemen and gentlemen, in whose service he was, at that time, employed; and that, as the lands had been conquered, at the hazard and expense of Connecticut, before Mr. Winthrop made known his claim, whatever it was, it was then dormant, and of no validity. They further insisted, that, as they were not prepared to give a full answer, no decision might be made, until Connecticut should be fully heard with respect to the premises.

* This n sometimes spelt Pamaquasset, and wa«, I nippoic. the huiisn name of Saybrook.

' Some spelt it Neanlicut.

Settleaccouuti.

Book I. The commissioners declined any decision of the contros^-v-x*/ versy ; but it does not appear that Mr. Winthrop ever af1647. ter prosecuted his claim. As it seems Mr. Winthrop, about this time, had a design of purchasing Long-Island, the commissioners took occasion to premonish him, that the Island was already under engagements for considerable sums of money, to a number of persons in Connecticut and New-Haven. They represented to him, that any title which might be derived from Mr. Cope, would be very precarious, as he had confessed a short time before his death. t The commissioners, this year, brought in the number of polls in the several colonies, and made a settlement of their accounts. The whole expenditure of the confederates was 1043 pounds : 10: 0. There was due to Connecticut, 155 pounds: 17: 7, which the colony had expended in the general defence, more than its proportion* NewHaven had expended 7 pounds: 0: 0 more than its proportion. This was exclusive of all the expense which these two colonies had borne in defending themserves against the Indians at Stamford and its vicinity, and in attempting to bring the murderers of the English to condign punishment. Massachusetts and Plymouth paid the balance to Connecticut and New-Haven.

On the 27th of May, Peter Stuyvesant, who, the last vear' had been appointed governor of New-Netherlands, arrived at Manhadoes, and commenced his government of the Dutch settlements. The commissioners wrote him a jong letter of congratulation. They complained also, lhat the Dutch sold arms and ammunition to the Indians, and even in the English plantations. They desired that an immediate stop might be put to so dangerous a trade. They made complaint also, that the Dutch had laid so severe an impost upon all goods, as greatly discouraged trading with them, while all the harbors in the united colonies were open and free to them. As the Dutch also imposed heavy fines or forfeitures for misentries, or defect in commissions, the commissioners desired to be made particularly acquainted with their ctlstoms.

This winter, the fort and buildings at Saybrook unacfurt burnt, countably took fire, and, with some goods, were destroyed. Captain Mason, with his wife and child, narrowly escaped the conflagration. The damage was estimated at more than a thousand pounds. t Records of the united

tcrtathe

Dutch

governor.

Saybrook

CHAPTER IX. 1647.

Settlement of New-London. Salaries first granted to civil officers. Troubles with the Narraganset Indians. RhodeIsland petitions to be united with the colonies in confederation. The Massachusetts resume the affair of the impost. Mr. Westerhause complains of the seizure of his vessel by the Dutch, in the harbour of New-Haven. Murders committed by the Indians ; resolutions respecting the murderers. Body of laws compiled. Debates relative to the settlement of Delaieare. . The Pequots revolt from Uncas, and petition the English. Resolution respecting them. Mr. Westerhouse petitions to make reprisals from the Dutch. Letter to the Dutch governor. Further altercations respecting the impost. Final issue of that affair. The conduct of the Massachusetts upon its decision, and the declaration of the commissioners respecting it. Their treatment of Connecticut respecting the line between the colonies. The court of Connecticut determine to avenge the death of John Whitmore, and detach to take the murderer.

THE last year several persons began settlements at Pequot harbour. Lots were laid out to them, but part of them were soon discouraged, and left the plantation. This year Mr. Richard Blinman, who had been a minister in England, removed from Gloucester to this new settlement ; in consequence of which a considerable addition tied. was made to the number who had kept their station. By 1648the next year, 1648, there was such an accession, that the inhabitants consisted of more than forty families. Some of the principal men were John Winthrop, Esq. the Rev. Mr. Blinman, Thomas Minot, Samuel Lothrop, Robert Allyn and James Avery. For their encouragement, the general court granted them a three years exemption from all colonial taxation. Mr. Winthrop was authorized to superintend the affairs of the plantation. The next year a court was appointed for the. trial of small causes. Tho judges were Mr. Winthrop, Thomas Minot and Samuel Lxithrop. The Indian name of the place was Nameaugjvalias Towawog. In 1654, the whole tract, now comprised within the towns of New-London and Groton, was called Pequot, from the name of the harbour and original inhabitants. By this it was known for about four years. On the 24th of March, 1658, the assembly passed

an act respecting it, which is so curious, and expressive of the feelings of our ancestors towards their native country, as to render it worthy of publication.

" Whereas, it hath been the commendable practice of the inhabitants of all the colonies of these parts, that as this country bath its denomination from our dear native country of England, and thence is called New-England ; so the planters, in their first settling of most new plantations, have given names to those plantations of some cities and towns in England, thereby intending to keep up, and leave to posterity, the memorial of several places of note there, as Boston, Hartford, Windsor, York, Ipswich, Braintree, Exeter; this court considering, that there hath yet no place in any of the colonies been named in memory of the city of London, there being a new plantation within this jurisdiction of Connecticut, settled upon that fair river Moheagan, in the Pequot country, being an excellent harbour and a fit and convenient place for future trade, it being also the only place which the English in these parts have possessed by conquest, and that upon a very just war, upon that great and warlike people, the Pequots, we therefore that we might thereby leave to posterity that we memory of that renowned city of London, from whence we had our transportation, have thought fit, in honor to that famous city, to call the said plantation New-London." The name of the river was also changed and called the Thames.*

Until this time the governors and magistrates appear to have served the people for the honor of it, and the public good. The general court took the affair into their consideration, and granted the governor 30 pounds annually. The same sum was also voted for the deputy governor, who had presided the preceding year. These appear to have been the first salaries given to any civil officers in the colony, and to have been a compensation for the expense of the office, rather than for the service performed.

Upon the election at Hartford, Mr. Hopkins was chosen governor, and Mr. Ludlow deputy governor. Mr. Haynes supplied the vacancy made by the advancement of Mr. Ludlow, and Mr. Cullick was elected magistrate and secretary in the place of Mr. Whiting.

In September the commissioners of the united colonies convened at Plymouth. They were John Endicot and Simon Bradstreet, from Massachusetts ; William Bradford and John Brown .from Plymouth ; governor Hopkins and Roger Ludlow, from Connecticut; governor Eaton and John Astwood, from New-Haven.

Commislioners meet Sept. 7.

* Records of Connecticut and New-London.

The Indians, both in the Nchantick and Narraganset Book I. country,andin the western parts of Connecticut, had bee.n x«*-v^/ more perfidious and outrageous this year than at any time 1648. since the Pequot war. The Narragansets and Nehanticks, Perfidy of

instead of performing the fair promises which they had the Nafraj . I i e ,i_ i i sanset In

made, the last year, and of paying the wampum, which 5ian8_

had been so long due, hired the Mohawk and Pocomtock Indians to unite with them in an expedition for the total destruction of Uncas and the Moheagans. The Pocomtocks made preparations and assembled for the purpose. They waited several days for the arrival of the Mohawks, who were to have joined them at that place. The Narragansets and Nehanticks removed their old men, women and children into swamps and fastnesses, and prepared an army of 800 men, who were to form a junction with the Mohawk and Pocomtock Indians, in Connecticut, near the Moheagans.

The governor and council, apprised of their designs, dispatched Thomas Stanton, their interpreter, and others to Pocomtock. They found the Pocomtocks actually met in arms, and waiting for the arrival of the Mohawks. It was represented that the Mohawks had four hundred fire arms, and a plenty of ammunition. The Pocomtocks ac- . knowledged that they had been hired by the Narragansets. Such a confederacy was alarming to the colony. What such an army of savages might effect could not be determined. . It was dangerous to suffer them to march through the colony, and form a junction near the plantations. Several happy circumstances united their influence to frustrate this formidable combination. The early discovery of th-e designs of the enemy, by the people of Connecticut, and the precautions which were taken, had a great effect. The Pocomtocks and Mohawks were assured, that the English would defend Uncas against all his enemies, and would avenge all injuries which they should do him. The Mohawks had one or two of their sachems and a number of their men killed by the French. They therefore did not come on. The Pocomtock Indians did not choose to march without them ; and the Narragansets, thus deserted, were afraid to proceed. Thus the expedition failed.

The Narragansets not only plotted against the united Rhodecolonies, but committed many outrages against the people |{{?",f,^j of Rhode-Island. They made forcible entries into their admithouses, struck and abused the owners, s.tole and purloined tance to their goods. At Warwick especially, they were exceed-| ingly troublesome. They killed, in that plantation, about j 3 hundred cattle, exclusive of ether injuries which they

Book I. did to the inhabitants. Indeed, the Rhode-Islanders were

v^-v-w so harassed, that they made application, by their repre

1648. sentatives, to the commissioners, to be admitted to the

confederation of the united colonies.

Reply of The commissioners replied, that they found their preth.ecom- sent state to be full of confusion and danger, and that they an; ionrw. vere (jgsipous of giving them both advice and help. They however observed, that as the plantation made at RhodeIsland, fell within the limits of the ancient patent granted to the colony of New-Plymouth, they could not receive them as a distinct confederate. They represented, that it was the design of the honourable committee of parliament, that the limits of that colony should not be abridged or infringed. They proposed, that if the Rhode-Islanders would acknowledge themselves to be within the limits of Plymouth colony, they would advise how they might be received on equitable terms, with a tender regard for their convenience ; and that they would afford them the same advice and protection, which they did the other plantations within the united colonies.

;Tf"rn- The commissioners sent messengers again to the Narrar gers sent to ganset and Nehantick Indians, to charge their treachery ~ upon thenJ, remonstrate against their conduct, and demand the arrearages of wampum which were yet unpaid. Their outrages against the inhabitants of Rhode-Island were particularly noticed, and the sachems were peremptorily charged to keep their men under better government. The colonies wished to exhibit all forbearance towards the Indians, and, if possible, to preserve the peace of the country. They chose rather to restrain the natives by policy and the arts of peace, than by the sword. Further The general court of Massachusetts was, by no means, 6" pleased with the determination of the commissioners, the Iast year, relative to the impost to be paid at Say brook, port. A committee was, therefore, appointed to draft an answer to the observations and pleadings of governor Hopkins before the commissioners, at their former sessions.

The committee introduced their answer with a number of questions relative to the articles of confederation. Some were calculated to make nothing of them, and exhibit them in a point of light entirely contemptible. Others related to the power of the commissioners, and to the degree in which obedience was due to their determinations. They inquired whether a non-compliance with the orders of the commissioners would be a breach of the articles of confederation ? They complained, that they had not a greater num"ber of commissioners, as Massachusetts was much large; than th« other colonies. They proposed, that they should Book I. have the privilege of sending three commissioners, and >^-^-^ that the meetings of the confederates should be triennial. 1648. They then proceeded to a large reply to the arguments of Arguments governor Hopkins; and attempted to vindicate the reasons ag^*81'1which they had given before against the impost. In addition to what they had formerly offered, they endeavoured to show, that if Springfield was benefitted by the fort at Saybrook, and ought to pay the impost on that account, that New-Haven, Stamford, and all the towns on that side of the river, ought to pay it no less; because they had been already benefitted, and might be hereafter. Since this was the case, as they pleaded, they objected against the commissioners of New-Haven, as disqualified to judge in the case. They, also, objected against the decision of the commissioners, because it was made, as they said, without a sight of the Connecticut patent. They insisted, that if the patent had been produced, there might have been some clause which would have helped their case. Tho committee pleaded a priority of possession. They affirmed, that the first possession of Saybrook fort was taken by Mr. John Winthrop, in November, 1635 ; and our possession was before that: for those who went from Waterlown, Cambridge, Roxbury, and Dorchester, the summer before, took possession in our name and right; and had a commission of government from us, and some ordnance for their defence. And in this state they remained a good space. In fine they urged, that if the impost were lawful, it was not expedient; that they could vie wit in no other light than as a bone of contention, to interrupt their happy union and brotherly love, Indeed, they represented, that it laid them under temptations to help themselves in some other way. This was adopted by the general court.

Governor Hopkins and Mr. Ludlow insisted on the an- Reply of swers which had: been given the last year, to the arguments the comof the general court of the Massachusetts. They attempt- TM5'lon("« ed to show, that, notwithstanding all which had been urged, °ecti°uf. the arguments in favour of the impost remained unanswered, and in their full force. They observed, that whatever propositions might have been made by the Massachusetts, in 1638, with respect to the exemption of plantations under their government from an impost, nothing was ever granted upon that head: that affairs were now in a very different state from what they were at the time of the confederation. They urged, that now the charge of the fort and garrison at Saybrook, lay upon the colony; which was not the gase at that time; and that nothing could be fairly plead?

Book I. ed from the circumstances in which the colonies confede

1648. With respect to priority of right, and the commission which had been mentioned, they observed, that the commission of government was taken, salvo jure, of the interest of the gentlemen who had the patent of Connecticut, this commission taking rise from the desire of the people that removed, who judged it inexpedient to go away without any frame of government, not from any claim of the Massachusetts jurisdiction over them by virtue of paten*.

With reference to the decision of the commissioners, without seeing the Connecticut patent, they observed, that a copy of it was exhibited at the time of the confederation ; that it had been well known to many; and that the Massachusetts in particular knew, that it had recently been owned by the honourable committee of parliament; and that equal respect and power had been given by it to all within its limits, as had been either to Massachusetts or Plymouth, within the limits of their respective patents.

As to the inexpediency of the impost, as tending to disturb the peace and brotherly love subsisting between the colonies, they replied, that it was their hope and earnest desire, that in all the proceedings of the confederation, truth and peace might embrace each other. But they insisted, that pleading for truth and righteousness ought, by no means, to disturb peace or brotherly affection. Indeed, they maintained, that things which were rational, and consistent with truth and righteousness, should never be an occasion of offence to any.

The commissioners of Connecticut, at this time, produced an authentic copy of their patent, and governor Hopkins offered to attest it upon oath. As this was the third year since the affair of the impost had been litigated before the commissioners, it was urged, that it might have a final issue, agreeable to truth and righteousness. Governor Hopkins and Mr. Ludlow disputed the southern boundary of Massachusetts, and claimed Springfield as lying within the limits described in the patent of Connecticut.

The commissioners judged, that the objections offered against the gentlemen from New-Haven, were insufficient, and the commissioners from Massachusetts gave them up. Upon the whole, after a full hearing and mature deliberation, the former order, in favour of Connecticut, was confirmed.*

Trouble Notwithstanding the congratulatory letter, which the Dutch.6 commissioners addressed to Stuyvesant, the Dutch gover* Records of the united coloniei.

nor, at their last session, he proved not the most comfort- Book I. able neighbour. He gave no answer to the complaints v^-*s-*>*s which had been stated to him, in their letter. He trans- 1648. mitted no account of the customs laid upon the English merchants, nor of the cases in which the Dutch made seizures, so that it was extremely difficult to know on what terms they could trade, or how to escape fines, seizures, and confiscations.

By Stuyvesant's order, the Dutch seized a vessel of Mr. Mr. WesWesterhouse, a Dutch merchant and planter at New-Haven, t61*io"*?

,..,. , . ,. , , f ., . , 'complains

while riding at anchor within the harbour. He preferred a Of the seicomplaint to the commissioners. He came in from Vir- zure of hit ginia, and gave evidence, that, when he sailed thence, he made a full payment of all the customs. The commissioners wrote to the Dutch governor on the subject, and remonstrated against such a flagrant insult to the united colo- remonnies, and against the injustice done to Mr. Westerhouse. strate « They protested against the Dutch claim to all the lands, Prot€st, rivers, and streams, from Cape Henlopen to Cape Cod; and asserted their claim to all the lands and plantations in the united colonies, as anciently granted by the kings of England to their subjects, and since purchased by them of the Indians, the original proprietors.

At the same time, they assured him, that they expected satisfaction, both for the injury and affront, in taking a ship out of one of their harbours, upon such a challenge and title to the place, unjustly claimed without purchase, possession, or any other considerable ground. They represented to him in strong terms, the aosolute necessity of a meeting for the adjustment of the differences between the Dutch and the united colonies. They professed themselves to be inclined to pursue all proper counsels for that purpose. As his letters to them, as well as to the governors of Massachusetts and New-Haven, had been expressed in such indeterminate language on the subject,; they wished him to be more explicit. They avowed their determination, that, until such time as the Dutch should come to an. amicable settlement of the points in controversy, neither their merchants nor mariners should enjoy any privilege, in any of the English plantations or harbours, either of anchoring, searching, or seizing, more than the English did at the Manhadoes. They declared, that if, upon search, they should find arms and ammunition on board any of the Dutch ships, for the mischievous purpose of vending them within the limits of the united colonies, to the Indians, they would seize them, until further inquiry and satisfaction should be made. In short, they avowed their purpose of Book I. treating the Dutch mariners and merchants in the English ^^-^-^ harbours and plantations, in the same manner in which 1648. they treated the English. They declared, that, if the Dutch should proceed to seize any vessel or goods, within any of the harbours of the united colonies, whether of English, Dutch, or any other nation, admitted to be planters in any of the said colonies, they should be necessitated to vindicate their rights, and to repair the damages by all just means.*

Mr. Whit- Soon after the meeting of the commissioners, Mr. John de°red to"" Wnitmore7 ^ Stamford, was murdered by the Indians. He October. was a peaceable, worthy man, and one of the representatives of the town in the general court at New-Haven. He fell as he was seeking cattle in the woods. The sachem's son first carried the news into town, and reported that one Toquattoes had killed him, and had some of his clothes, of which he gave a particular description. From this circumstance, it was suspected, that he was either a principal or an accomplice in the crime. No such evidence, however, could be obtained as would warrant the apprehending him. The English took great pains to find the remains of Mr. Whitmore, but could make no discovery at that time. About two months after, Uncas, with several of his Indians, went to Stamford, and making inquiry concerning Mr. Whitmore's body, the sachem's son and one Kehoran, another of the natives who had been suspected, led Uncas, with his men, and a number of the English, directly to the place of his remains. Upon carrying them into town, the sachem's son and Kehoran fell a-trembling, and manifested such signs of guilt, that the Moheagans declared that they were guilty. But before they could be apprehended, they made their escape. The Indians at Stamford and its vicinity, either through fear of their sachem, or favour to his son, or from some other cause, charged the murder upon Toquattoes. But neither he, nor the other suspected persons, were delivered up, nor could the English bring them to any examination respecting the subject.

Murder at About the same time it was reported, that the Indians upon Long-Island had, some years before, murdered a number of Englishmen, who were part of the crew of a vessel of one Mr. Cope, which had been cast away near the island. These instances of bloodshed gave great alarm to Connecticut and New-Haven, especially to Stamford, and the towns in that vicinity. Mrs. Whitmore, by letters and messengers, sued for justice against the murderers, of her husband. The Indians grew haughty and Records of the united colonies.

insolent, and censured the conduct of the English. It was Book I. dangerous to suffer such crimes to be unpunished, as it v^-v>^/ would embolden the natives to be constantly massacre! ng 1649. the English. But as nothing could be done, in this case, except by an armed force, it was deferred to the consideration of the commissioners of the united colonies.

At the general election in Connecticut, Mr. Haynes was Election; chosen governor, and Mr. Hopkins deputy-governor. Mr. ?la£17tb* Ludlow took his place again among the magistrates. The other officers were as they had been the preceding year.

In consequence of the burning of the old fort at Saybrook, a new one was begun the last year, at a place calU ed the new fort hill. At this session of the assembly, orders were given for the erecting of a new dwelling-house in the fort, and for completing the works and buildings at Saybrook. The magistrates were empowered to impress suitable hands for carrying the business into effect, and appropriations were made for that purpose.

Whereas the commissioners of Massachusetts, in their Resolupleadings before the commissioners of the united colonies,tion*oftlit at their last session, had expressed their doubts, whether fourtfia the act of Connecticut, imposing a duty upon certain arti- the May cles exported from Connecticut river, had any respect to sessionthe inhabitants of Springfield, the general court declared, that they had particular respect to them, as under the government of the Massachusetts. They also resolved, that, in their best apprehensions, nothing was imposed on them more than was strictly just, or than had been imposed on themselves; and that they ought to submit to the impost. They declared, that the execution of the act, with respect to their brethren at Springfield, had been deferred, only that the judgment of the commissioners of the other colonies might be had on the premises. The assembly also resolved, that they were wholly unsatisfied that Springfield did fall Within the true limits of the Massachusetts patent. They also expressed their earnest wishes, that the line inight be speedily and fully settled, in righteousness and peace. It was ordered, that these resolutions should be laid before the commissioners at their next meeting.

Mr. Ludlow had, for several years successively, been desired by the general court to make a collection of the laws which had been enacted, and to revise, digest, and prepare a body of laws for the colony. He had now finished the work, and at this session a code was established.

Until this time, punishments, in many instances, had been uncertain and arbitrary. They had been left wholly to the discretion of the court. Defamation had, in some Book I. instances, been punished by fine, repeated scourging, and ^*"v"<-/ imprisonment.* For violation of the sabbath, there is an I649. instance of imprisonment during the pleasure of the court. Unchastity between single persons was, sometimes, punished by setting, the delinquent in the pillory, and by whipping him from one town to another. But, from this time, the laws, in general, became fixed, and the punishment of particular crimes was specified, so that delinquents might know what to expect, when they had the temerity to transgress.

The statute now required a jury of twelve men : that iiv cases in which they were doubtful with respect to law, they should bring in a non liauet, or special verdict; and that matter of law should be determined by the bench, as it is at the present time. But if, after the jury had been sent out repeatedly, the court judged they had mistaken the evidence, and brought in a wrong verdict, they were authorised, in civil cases, Co impaonel a new jury. The court, also, retained the power of lessening and increasing the damages given by the jury, as they judged most equitable.! All cases of life, limb, or banishment, were determined by n special jury of twelve able men, and a verdict could not be accepted unless the whole jury were agreed. Connecticut now Lad the appearance oJ a welt regulated commonwealth.

Commis- An extraordinary meeting of the commissioners was eioners nolden this year at Boston. The members were Thomas ^ ' uy Dudley, Esq'r. Mr. Simon Bradstreet, William Bradford, Esq'r. Mr. John Brown, Edward Hopkins, Esq'r. Mr. Thomas Wells, Governor Eaton, and Mr. John Astwood. The setue- Governor Eaton, in behalf of the colony of New-Haven, mentof proposed that effectual measures might be immediately .a^optetl for lnc settlement of Delaware bay. The title . which a number of merchants, at New-Haven, had to extensive tracts on both sides of the river, by virtue of fair purchases from the Indians, was laid before the commissioners. The fertility of the soil, the healthfulness of the country, the convenience of the several rivers, the great advantages of settlements, and a well regulated trade there, not only to New-Haven, but to all the New-England colonies, were strongly represented.

* In 1646, one Robert Bartlett, for defamation, was sentenced to stand hi the pillory during the public lecture, then to be whipped, pay jE5, and Mtu-i H\ months imprisonment. This year one Daniel Turner, for the tame crime, was sentenced to be whipped, and then imprisoned a month: at the month'; end to go to tin- post again, and then to be bound to bu coed behaviour.

t Old Connecticut code, p. 37.

The commissioners, after a full hearing and mature de- Book I. liberation, were of the opinion, that the circumstances of s^-v-^» the colonies were such, that it would not be prudent, at 1C49. that time, by any public act, to encourage the settlement of those tracts. Besides the contest with the Dutch and the danger of involving the colonies in war, it was observed, that they had scarcely sufficient numbers of men at home for their own defence, and the prosecution of the necessary affairs of their respective plantations.

It was therefore recommended to the merchants and gen- Advice of tlemen at New-Haven, cither to settle or make sale of thelb? ?om" lands which they had, as should appear most expedient, "'spwl-" The commissioners resolved, that if any persons in the uni- ing it. ted colonies should attempt, without their consent, to make settlements on the lands, or to do any thing injurious to the rights of the purchasers, that they would neither own nor protect them in their unjust attempts.*

The murder of Mr. Whitmore, and the other murders Resoluwhich the Indians had committed against the English, were tioas refully considered. The commissioners therefore resolved, j^n"'' that the guilty should be delivered up; and if they were murdernot, that the sachem, at Stamford, or his son, should be ap- «*s. prehended and kept in durance, until they should be secured, and justice have its course. They ordered, that search should be made with respect to the murders, said to be committed, at Long-Island, and, if evidence could be obtained, to apprehend the delinquents and bring them to justice.

Some time before the meeting of the commissioners, the Murder at Indians upon Long-Island perpetrated murder at South- Southhold. hold. They rose, in a hostile manner, for several days round the town. The inhabitants were obliged to arm and stand upon their defence against them for a considerable time; and afterwards to keep a strong and vigilant guard by night. The town was not only exceedingly alarmed and distressed, but put to great expense. They therefore made application to the commissioners for relief. But they would not consent, that the colonies in general should bear any of the charge, in such instances. They determined in this case, as they had done before with respect to other towns in the jurisdictions of Connecticut and New-Haven. The colonies and towns, which had suffered, had been obliged to bear all the expense of defending Stamford and other places, Uncas and the Moheagans, in all instances in which they had not been warranted, by thfl particular directions of the commissioners. * Records of the united colonies.

Book I. The Narraganset and Nchantick Indians still persisted S^-n^-x^ in their murderous designs against Uncas, and in their pcr1649. fidious conduct towards the colonies. The alarming asNarrapm- pect of affairs, with respect to them, was the occasion of «tsand this extraordinary meeting.

tJclucon- An Indian, hired by the Narraganset and Nehantick satinue their chems to kill Uncas, going on board a vessel in the plots. Thames, where he was, ran iiim through the breast with a to'ls^sri- sword- The wound, at first, was judged to be mortal; naie Un- Uncas however finally recovered. At this meeting, he Cm- presented himself before the commissioners, and complained of the assault made upon him ; and affirmed, that these sachems had hired the Mohawks and other Indians against him, as well as an assassin to kill him secretly. He complained also, that the Narraganscts had neither restored his canoes nor his captives, as had been expressly demanded and stipulated. He prayed, that, as he had ever been friendly and faithful to the colonies, they would provide for his safety, avenge these outrages, and do him justice.

Ninigrate was examined before the commissioners on these points ; and it was proved, by the confession of the Mohawks themselves, that the Narragansets had hired them against Uncas. The Indian, who had wounded Uncas, declared, that he had been hired by Pessacus and Ninigrate. Ninigrate made but a poor defence, either of himself or Pessacus. The commissioners dismissed him, entirely unsatisfied, and assured him, that unless he immediately complied with the terms on which they had formerly agreed, they should leave him to his own counsels.

The colonies were alarmed with the report, that one of the brothers of Sassacus, or his son, was about to marry the daughter of Ninigrate: and it was conjectured, that the Narraganset and Nehantick Indians were concerting a plan to collect the scattered remains of the Pequots, and to set them up as a distinct nation with the son, or brother of Sassacus, at their head. The commissioners viewed the colonies as upon the commencement of an Indian war, and gave directions, that they should be immediately prepared for any emergency.

the Pe°n °f ^e Pequots, who had been given to Uncas, had now quota? ^or more tnan two years revolted from him, and lived separately, as a distinct clan. In 16147, they complained to the commissioners, that Uncas and the Moheagans had abused them. They represented, that, though they had submitted and been faithful to him, assisted him in his wars, been esteemed as his men, and paid him tribute, he had nevertheless grossly injured them. They said, that he had Book I. required tribute of them, from time to time, upon mere pre- v^-v-^ tences; and that since they had been put under him, they 1649. paid him wampum forty times. They alledged, that upon the death of one of his children, he gave his squaw presents, and ordered them to comfort her in the same way; and that they presented her with a hundred fathom of wampum : That Uncas was pleased, and promised that, for the future, he would esteem and treat them as Moheagans. They affirmed, that notwithstanding this engagement, the Moheagans wronged them in their plays, and deprived them of their just rights. Obachickquid, one of their chief men, complained that Uncas had taken away his wife and used her as his own. They proved, that Uncas had wounded some of them, and plundered the whole company. They prayed, that the English would interpose for their relief, and take them under their protection. The petition was presented in the' behalf of more than . sixty.

The commissioners found these charges so well sup- Detenniported, that they ordered Uncas to be reproved, and de- nat'°nuP, creed, that he should restore Obachickquid his wife, and y^^ pay damages for the injuries he had done the Pequots. fined. They also fined him a hundred fathom of wampum. Nevertheless, as it had been determined, by Connecticut, that the name of the Pequots should be extinguished, and that they should not dwell in their own country, it was resolved that they should return, and be in subjection to Uncas. He was directed to receive them without revenge, and to govern them with moderation, in all respects, as he did the Moheagans. They did not however return to Uncas; but annually presented their petition to the commissioners to be taken under the protection of the English, and to become their subjects. They pleaded, that though their tribe had done wrong, and were justly conquered, yet that they had killed no English people ; and that Wequash had promised them, if they would flee their country, and not injure the colonies, that they would do them no harm. To ease them, as far as might be consistent with former determinations, the commissioners recommended it to Connecticut to provide some place for them, which might not injure any particular town, where they might plant and dwell together. At the same time, they were directed to be in subjection to Uncas; and it was again enjoined on him to govern them with impartiality and kindness.

Mr. Westerhouse renewed his complaint respecting the Complaint seizure of his vessel, in the harbour of New-Haven, Heandpeti

Book I. alledged, that besides the loss of his vessel, and the ad

«^>^iw/ vantages of trading, the prime cost of his goods was 2,000

1649. pounds; and that, after repeated application to the Dutch

tion of Mr. governor, he had not been able to obtain the least coin

Wester- pensation. He had therefore petitioned the government of

New-Haven, that some Dutch vessel might be taken by

way of reprisal. He now petitioned the commissioners

for liberty to make reprisals, by way of indemnification,

until he should obtain satisfaction,

Commis- Though the commissioners declared against the injustice priiah not °^tne se'zure> anc^ regretted both the insult done to the ugranted. nited colonies, and the damages sustained by Mr. Westerhouse, yet they declined granting him a commission to make reprisals. They judged it expedient first to negotiate.

Commis- They therefore wrote to the Dutch governor, that Mr. write'to Westerhouse had applied to them for a commission to make the Dutch reprisals, and that they had not granted his petition, as governor, they wished first to acquaint him with the motion, and to represent to him the equity of making reprisals, unless justice should be done him some other way. They again avowed their claim to all parts of the united colonies. They asserted the right of New-Haven to Delaware bay, and assured him, that it would not be given up. They complained of his letter, the last year, that it was, in various respects, unsatisfying ; and that with regard to that daa

ferous trade of arms and ammunition carried on with the ndians, at fort Aurania and in the IJnglish plantations, it was wholly silent. They observed, that all differences, between them and the Dutch, might have been - amicably settled, had it pleased him to attend the meeting of the commissioners, at Boston, according to the invitation which they had given him. As that was not agreeable to him, they avowed their designs of making provision, for their own safety.

Resolution To prevent the vending of arms and ammunition to the

agamst Indians in the united colonies, they passed the following

arais'to resolve : " That after due application hereof, it shall not

the na- be lawful for any Frenchman, Dutchman, or person of any

tives. foreign nation, or any Englishman living among them,, or

under the government of any of them, to trade with any

Indian or Indians within this jurisdiction, either directly or

indirectly, by themselves or others, under the penalty of

confiscation of all such goods and vessels as shall be found

so trading, or the true value thereof, upon just proof of any

goods or vessels so traded or trading."

The gentlemen from Massachusetts, at this meeting, again brought on the dispute between them and Connecti- Book I. cut relative to the impost. They pretended, that Mr. Fen- v^-v-^/ wick, some years before, had promised to join with them, 1649. in running the line, but that as he had not done it, and it Further had now been done by them, at their own expense, and' to their satisfaction, it ought to be satisfactory to all oth- [_ ers, who could make no legal claim to the adjacent lands. po«t. This they insisted that Connecticut could not, because 9hJec" they had no patent. Massa

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