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THE
HISTORY OF STRATFORD
SAMUEL
ORCUTT
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Connecticut
Indians The Web |
CHAPTER
I.
STRATFORD INDIANS.
INDIAN history, under whatever circumstances found, excites
a melancholy sympathy, which partakes of extreme loneliness as if one were lost
in an interminable wilder.ness from which there could be no escape by the
ingenuity or power of man. As we pass over the site of their ancient wigwams,
although not a stick or stone is left to mark the place, we seem to be
traveling amid the ruins of some ancient Persian or Egyptian city, long
celebrated for its beauty and magnificence and from which, although the glory
has all faded or crumbled to dust, we hesitate to depart, as though expecting
still to see the forms of the long-departed coming forth to newness of life, to
exhibit the wonders of ancient days. Occasionally we discover about traditional
localities, some stone implement, arrow-head, pestle or axe, that seems as a
spirit resurrected by enchantment to portray the marvelous, wild life that
wrought it, for the severest needs of earth, which is like the recovery of some
long-lost painting of kingly banquet or national pride and glory. The hatchet,
although of stone, was the Indian's ensign of renown; the bow and arrow, his
national flag of wild but unconquerable liberty, and his tent, because it was
not immovable, declared an inheritance in a vast contment ralher than a few
circumscribed acres of walled distributions.
Sometimes the rolling waters of a
mighty river, or the heights of immense mountain ranges barred his progress for
a time, but no mountain was too high and no valley too low for the unwearied
feet of the Red man in the greatness ot his freedom and the inexhaustible resources
of his physical strength. Nothing but the mighty ocean ever stayed his
wandering footsteps, until the white man took possession ot the rocky and sandy
shores of the Algonkin country, afterwards called New England; when "the
poor Indian" fled to the inland wilderness as if pursued by a devastating
pestilence ; nor has he yet, after nearly three hundred years, found a sure
resting place. To him the shores of Long Island Sound were an enchanted
country, in the abundance it gave to supply his wants, and the beauty of its
climate and scenery reminding him of the native tropical clime of
his'ancestors.
Here on these shores he had dwelt many ages, when the
glittering sails of the white man came bearing the pilgrim planters to their
new life of freedom. In the winter many of them had retired to the sheltered
valleys of the inland wilderness, where they secured their daily food by the
hunter's sport, and then in the spring they returned to their old seaside
haunts, just as their white successors now, in the same season of. the year,
flee from the hot breath of the inland valleys to the cool breezes of the New
England coast. These "children of the wilderness" have been called
"Red men," "wild Indians," "savage beasts," but with
all, they have exhibited a manliness of character and rectitude of life,
according to the instructions received, that leaves no room for boasting by
those who now'inhabit the same beautiful country. To these untutored
inhabitants the pilgrim immigrants were rather unceremoniously introduced,, and
to them in turn they gave a cordial welcome, not knowing what the final result
would be. And now, after the lapse of ages, the pen of the historian is
importuned for some memorial record, which, although inadequate to the object
sought, shall be as a brief epitaph to commemorate the greatness of those, of
whom there is now nothing but ashes and fragments left.
On the shores of Long Island Sound
various clans or settlements of these Indians were found by the incoming
English, which belonged to the same general class,—the Mohicans, the name
having been localized or modified to Mohe;gans in the south-eastern part of the
state. Those on the Housatonic river appear to have retained a system of
general government, with head-quarters at New Milford, and when their lands
further south had been sold they gradually returned thither, and thence to
Scatacook and to Pennsylvania. Tradition and implements found, indicate that at
first the Indians came from the Hudson river—the Mohicans—to the valley of the
Housatonic in the vicinity of the town of Kent, and finding several falls in
the river, to them of unusual grandeur, they named it Pootatuck, meaning '
falls river.' This was the only name to the river when the first white settlers
came, and those natives inhabiting its valley, were the Pootatuck Indians,1 but
being settled at that time in quite large numbers at various places, were
spoken of by their local names. There are also evidences that these local clans
retained the general name of Mohegan Indians, specially as this is the
tradition now among the intelligent survivors of all these clans.
The first Indian settlement on this river, south of the
Massachusetts line, seems to have been in the southern part of Kent, near what
is now called Bull's Bridge, and afterwards, two or three miles north where a
few families still reside. This locality they named Scatacook, or Schaghticoke,
signifying the confluence of two streams,* which is true where what is now
called Ten Mile River comes into the Housatonic a little below Bull's Bridge.
The second settlement was made, probably, at New Milford,
called Weantinock, which remained the capital, or place of the great
council-fire for the whole tribe (or all the clans) on the river, until that
territory was sold to the New Milford company in 1703. Thus gradually the
Indians made their
1 Indians of the Housatonic Valley, 6 to 12.
1 See Indian Names of Conn., by J. H. Trumbull, and Indians
of the Housa
settlements down the
river until they reached Long Island' Sound; and afterwards they dwelt on the
Sound more largely in the summer than in the winter on account of fish, oysters
and clams, and of the hunting inland in the winter.
The Ct1pheags and
Pequannocks.
When the English first
came to Stratford they found there a settlement of Indians, their local name
being Cupheags, the name denoting 'a harbor' or 'a place of shelter,'
literally, ' a place shut in." The clan was small, and was governed by
Okenuck, who soon after, if not at that time, resided at Pootatuck—now
Shelton—whither his people removed soon after Stratford village was settled.
Okenuck was the son of Ansantaway of Milford, and his brother Towtanimow, son
of Ansantaway, was sachem or chief at Paugasitt.
The name Pequannock4 means ' cleared field,' land 'opened' or 'broken open,'
and was applied by the Indians to the tract of land on the east side of Uncaway
river (which river is now called Ash creek) extending northward to the old
King's Highway and southward to the Sound, including two or three hundred acres
of land, on which were probably several pieces of a kind of open woods, as well
as the Indians' planting ground. This name was not applied to the water now
called Pequannock river, but to the beautiful plain as above described and now
constituting the western portion of the city of Bridgeport. On this plain
" at the north end of the cove in the Black Rock harbor" was the old
Indian planting field, limited to about one hundred acres, and on this field
was the old Indian Fort, standing near the end of the cove where now is the
flower garden of Mr. James Horan. In 1752, the General Assembly in describing
the boundaries of the Stratfield Society gives the precise location of this
fort.'
' Indian Names, J. H. Trumbull. 4
Indian Names, J. H. Trumbull.
'"General Court, October, 1752. Whereas,
in the setting off the parish of Stratfield, It so happened that the act of
this Assembly setting off said parish did not settle and fix the line dividing
between the said first society and said parish any nearer the south-westerly
extent of both said societies than where said line intersects the country road
[the King's highway] near Jackson's mill, so-called [now. 1884, Moody's mill] .
. . which line runs from said country road southerly as the river or creek runs
on which Jackson's mill stood, commonly known by the name of Uncoway River or
creek, till it comes due west from the north end of the cove in the Black Rock
harbor, which said cove heads or terminates at, or near the place called the
Old Fort, and then to run straight from said creek to the head of said cove,
and so straight to the sea or Sound." Col. Rec., x. 147.
The Pequannock Indians
were more numerous than any other clan from New London west, on the shore of
the Sound. They had .three encampments or villages of wigwams; one on the west
bank of the Uncoway river, as we may hereafter see in the testimony of Thomas
Wheeler, one at the Old Fort, and one at the foot of Golden Hill on the south
side; the last, some years later, is said to have contained about one hundred
wigwams. The one on the west side of Uncoway river was at the head of a cove
near a fresh water pond, just south of the old King's Highway, and a few rods
west of the mile-stone which is standing one mile east from Fairfield village,
on that old highway, south of which the Indians had a planting field which
afterwards constituted a part of the territory called by the first settlers the
Concord field. This place we are told in a future chapter by Thomas Wheeler,
was the old established place of residence for the Sachem of the Pequannock
tribe many generations.
There seems to have
been, at first, no reservations of land for the Indians at Cupheag, or
Stratford village, and none elsewhere in the town except at Golden Hill, and
this was not measured to them until twenty years after the first settlers came,
or until 1659. The planting ground at the Old Fort, in the edge of Fairfield,
was retained by the Indians as their planting ground until 1681, when it was
sold, and after that the field at the Old Fort was called the Old Indian field,
and is so referred to frequently on the Fairfield records.
Stratford and
Fairfield Conquered and Ceded Territory.
It appears by various
authorized records, that the territory of Stratford and Fairfield was not at
first purchased of the Indians, as has been asserted by
all historians, but wa& held nearly twenty years as conquered and ceded
territory, and so declared by the General Court, but afterwards, as a matter of
friendliness to the Indians, was purchased by various agreements and deeds.
At the time the whites
came, Queriheag was Sachem ol the Pequannocks, with his dwelling-place on the
west side of Uncoway river, but a large part of his people were dwelling on the
east side of that river—at the " old field " and at the foot of Golden
Hill.
The settlements of
Stratford and Fairfield were commenced under the supervision of the
Connecticut, in distinction from the New Haven Colony, and the territory was
granted to them by the General Court to which the Indians had previously given
it in regular form in 1638. On neither of the town records are there any Indian
deeds recorded . earlier than 1656, and in 1681 when all former deeds are
mentioned in the final sale, no reference is made to any as having been given
earlier than 1656. Nothing is said in the records in regard to the purchase of
this territory, until 1656, when we find the following statement made by the
court at Hartford :
" This Court, at
the request of Stratford, do grant that theire bounds shall be 12 myle
northward, by Paugusitt River, if it be att the dispose, by right, of this
Jurisdiction."*
This action of the
Court was soon proclaimed, and the Pequannock Indians denied the right of
Stratford to the territory as thus described, as the Court intimated would
probably be the case. The immediate cause for the desire that the Court should
fix the boundary of the Stratford plantation, was the fact that a tract of land
had just been sold by the Indians in the western part of Fairfield, and
considerable trouble had arisen between the settlers and the Indians, in
consequence of the cattle and swine of the whites trespassing on the Indians'
corn at Pequannock. One item is thus recorded :
"General Court,
October, 1651. Upon the complaint of the Deputies of Stratford to this Court,
in behalf of Richard
Col. Rec., i. 281.
Buttler,
against an Indian named Nimrod, that wilfully killed some swine of said
Buttler's, this Court consenteth that Mr. Ludlow may prosecute the said Indian
according to order made by the commissioners in that respect."'
Another reason for
this desire by the Stratford planters was that the Indians being quite numerous
at Fairfield, the settlers there were pushing them over on the Stratford
territory as much as possible to make room for themselves, as was acknowledged
afterwards. There had been several efforts made by the General Court to settle
the boundaries between Stratford and Fairfield and the Indians at Pequannock
commencing soon after these places began to be settled ; and also it is shown
that these Indians having agreed to pay tribute to the Connecticut Court, as
conquered and protected subjects, as appears from the records, neglected to
fulfill their agreement.
"General Court,
February, 1640. It is ordered that Mr. Haynes, Mr. Wells, and Capt. Mason shall
go down to Paquanucke to settle the bounds betwixt them and the plantations on
both sides of them, according as they judge equal, as also to hear and determin
the difference betwixt the inhabitants of Cupheag amongst themselves. They also
with Mr. Ludlow, are to require the tribute ot the Indians about those parts
that is behind unpaid, due by articles formerly agreed upon, as also to inquire
out the particular Indians that are under engagement, within the limit of the
ground belonging to them, and upon refusal, to proceed with them as they shall
see cause.'" The next June the Court ordered that "the magistrates
shall send for the tribute of the Indians about Cupheag, Uncoway and there
about," and that another committee should survey between the two plantations.
Again in General Court, 1648: " It is ordered, that Capt. Mason'shall go
to Long Island and to such Indians upon the maync as are tributaries to the
English, and require the tribute of them, long behind and yet unpaid, and to
take some strict and righteous course for the speedy recovering thereof, and it
is judged equall and allowed that he shall have the
one-half for his paynes."
' Col. Rec., i. 226. 8 Col. Rec., i. 62.
Not
only did the Indians neglect to pay their tribute, but they committed
depredations in many ways, and manifested so much hostility, from 1643 to 1655,
that the plantations on different occasions kept soldiers on watch nights and
Sundays, and at several times called out the militia. Also, the Indians made
continued trouble by their demands for pay for their lands, for after the Court
had given its decision, in 1656, the Milford Indians made a claim to some of
the land within the Stratford territory. Ansantaway was 'chief then at Milford,
and he gave a deed" for all the land his people claimed on the west side
of the Housatonic river, and leaves the English to give him whatever they
should see fit, thus indicating that his claim had but little real merit.
In order to secure
satisfaction among the Indians, and quiet to their English neighbors, the
Connecticut Colony made another effort to settle the matter among all parties,
by the following order:
" Hartford, March
7, 1658-59. By the Court of Magistrates. This Court having taken into
consideration the business respecting the Indians pertayning to the plantations
of Stratford and Fayrefeyld and finding in the last agreement made with the
Indians while Mr. Willis and Mr. Allin were
* Ansantaway's Deed
to Stratford.
"This present
writing declareth, we Ansantaway and my wife do make over and alienate unto the
Inhabitants of Stratford all.our right in a tract of land being as far as the
River called the further milne river by Woronoke and westward as far as the
bounds of us our Paugusit Indians lies, with the English of the aforesayd Town
and mark the trees as our bounds did goe before it was alienated to the English
as abovesayd. We also do engndge that no other Indians shall l,1v any charge
unto any of the aforesayd lands, and wo doc leave It to the town aforusayd to
give,us for this land as they shall see good and meet. And we doe give free
liberty for the aforesayd Town their cattle to go beyond that further milne
River northward and north-west as they did, peaceably and quietly; we and
Paugusit Indians doe thus agree as witness our hands in the name of the rest.
This Febu. 22, 1658."
The recorder of this
deed says: " This is a true copy of a bill of sale signed by Ansantaway,
his wife and Towtanamy the chief Sagamore," but he was mistaken, for he
did not transcribe the Indian names, for the deed is without any signatures.
down there, that those
two plantations aforementioned are ingaged to asure and alow unto those
respective Indians pertayning to each town sufitient land to plant on for their
subsistance and so to their heayres and sucsessors:
" It is therefore
ordered by this Court, and required that each plantation forementioned exercise
due care that the agreement made by the magistrates be fully attended without
unnecessary delay, that so the Indians may have no just cause to complayne
ugaynst the English, but rather may be incouraged to attend and observe the
agreement on their parts, that peace may be continued on both sides; and
further it is desired that the Indians may be allowed to improve theire antient
fishing place which they desire.
" To the Constables
of Stratford to be forthwith published and sent to Fayrfiyld to be published
and recorded by the Register."1*
Three days after the
above record the Court took further action :
" March 10,
1658-59. This Court having considered the agreement with the Indians as also
for other reasons as particularly that which the town of Fayrfeyld pleaded why
their bounds should be enlarged was because they might provide for theire
Indians which were many, do therefore order that the towne of Fayrfeyld shall
forthwith attend the order as above sent from the magistrates and alow and lay
out unto theire Indians that formerly did and now do belong unto that
plantation, sufitient planting land for the present and future, that so there
may be no disturbance twixt the Indians and the town of Stratford about any
former improprieties which we find are renownced for the future by the last
agreement. And the Court judges that the Indians that have for so many and
several years been inhabitants of Fayrfeyld bounds shall now and for future be
acounted as those that do properly belong to that plantation.
" Mr. Camfield
and the deputies of Nor woke are apointed to see this efected by Fayrfeyld men
or do it themselves.
Daniel
Clarke, Secretary."
10 Stratford Records.
About
a month later a paper was recorded.giving the agreement made between the two
towns as above referred to.
The great hindrance in
settling the boundaries between these two plantations and the Indians was the
open or cleared land on the east side of what is now called Ash Creek, formerly
Uncoway River. It was good soil, and probably much of it cleared besides the
portion which the Indians had planted for many years, called afterwards the
Indian field. This is revealed in part by a paper from John Strickland,"
giving the reason that Fairheld wanted more room, and so desired the Indians
pushed over east on Stratford territory, but the old line was retained while a
tract of land was set oft for the Indians on Golden Hill, and they retained
their old field at the head of Black Rock Cove until 1681, when they sold it to
Fairfield. There were, probably, several hundred acres of partially cleared
land, now constituting the western part of the city of Bridgeport and Sea-Side
Park, of which the Indian field containing about one hundred acres, with their
fort, formed a central part.
In the spring of 1659,
the question of title or right to the land in the plantations of Stratford and
Fairfield was brought before the General Court at Hartford and settled. The
Indians agreed that if the English could prove that they had received the land
by purchase, gift or conquest, it should be theirs; whereupon a number of men
gave their testimony in writing under oath on the subject, and the Court
decided in favor of the plantations, and the affidavits were recorded in the
town book, and they are here produced in foot-notes because of various items of
historical interest. These papers are prefaced on the records with the
statement: "A Record of several letters presented to
the Court of Hartford, whereby together with other evidences the town of
Stratford proved, and the Court granted a clear right to their land in
reference to Paquannock Indians with whom they had to do."
11 The Testimony of
John Strickland. "I John Strickland, of Huntington Long Island having
formerly lived at Uncoway now called Fayrfeyld do remember that I was deputed
with some others to treat with Stratford men about the bounds of those towns
and accordingly we men, we of Uncoway desired some inlargement of our bounds
towards Stratford because we were burdened with many Indians, and to my best
remembrance it was by Stratford men granted and by us all concluded that we ol
Uncoway should keep our Indians upon our own bounds. John Strickling, his mark.
April 23, 1659.
Taken upon oath before
me. Thomas Benedict."
The
first paper is by the Rev. John Higginson," of Guil
" " A
Testimony of Mr. Higison late pastor of the church at Guilford.
" Being desired to
expose wt I remember concerning the transaction between the English at
Conneckticott and the Indians along the Coast from Quilipioke to the Manhatoes
about the land, the substance of it I can say is briefly this :
"That in the
beginning of the year 1638, the last week in March Mr. Hopkins and Mr.
Goodwin,* being employed to treat with the Indians and to make sure of that
whole tract of land in order to prevent the dutch and to accommodate the
English who might after come to inhabit there, I was sent with them as an
interpreter (for want of a better) we having an Indian with us for a guide, acquainted
the Indians as we passed with our purpose and went as far as about Narwoke
before we stayed. Coming thither on the first day we gave notice to the Sachem
and the Indians to meet there on the second day that we might treat with them
all together about the business. Accordingly on the second day there was a full
meeting (as themselves sayd) of all the Sachems, old men and Captaynes from
about Milford to Hudson's River. After they had understood the cause of our
coming and hnd consulted with us and amongst themselves, and in as solemn a
urn11.'r as Indians used to do in such cases they did with an unanimous consent
approve their desire of the English friendship, their willingness the English
should come to dwell amongst them and professed that they did give and
surrender up all their land to the English Sachems at Coneckticott and hereupon
presented us with two parcells of wampem the lesser they would give us for our
rnesage, the greater they would send as a present to the Sachims at
Coneckticott, it being not long after the English conquest and the fame of the
English being then upon them.
"It being moved
among them which of them would go up with us to signifie this agreement and to
present their wampem to the Sachem at Coneckticott, at last Waunetan and
Wouwequock Paranoket, offered themselves, and were much applauded by the rest
for it. Accordingly those two Indians went up with us to Harford. Not long
after there was a comitee in Mr. Hooker's barne, the meeting house then not
buylded, where they two did apeare and presented their wampum, (but ould Mr.
Pinchin one of ye magistrates there then) taking him to be the interpreter,
then I remember I went out and attended the business no farther, so that what
was further done or what writings there were about the buysness I cannot now
say, hut I supose If search be made something of the business may be found in
the records of the Court, and I supose if Mr. Goodwin be inquired of he can.
*Mr. Edward Hopkins
and Mr. William Goodwin were among the principalplanters at Hartford.
ford, Conn., in which
he states that the land was given to the Connecticut Colony in 1638, and gives
the reasons why the Indians did it, namely, for the security thereby obtained.
These are corroborated by the fact that Towtanemow, Sagamore at Paugassett,
gave to Lieut. Thomas Wheeler of Fairfield, about forty acres of land, what is
now the southern part of Birmingham village, in Derby, if he would come and
reside upon it, which he did some five or six years; then sold the land and
improvements for two hundred pounds money.
This paper of Mr.
Higginson informs that a convention was held with the Indians from New Haven to
the Hudson river, at Norwalk in the last week in March (as we now reckon time),
1638, he himself being interpreter, when the Indians gave this territory to
Connecticut, reserving only room to plant, and the treaty was ratified with due
solemnity at Norwalk and at Hartford, the council being held in Mr. Hooker's
barn at Hartford because the meeting-house was not then completed.
The date of this
Norwalk Indian council shows it to have been held about fifteen days before the
New Haven company landed at Quinnipiac.
The next testimony is
that of Thomas Stanton," who was for many years the
Indian interpreter at Hartford, which informs us that Connecticut Colony
conquered the Pequots and Pequannocks at the same time—1637—took hostages ol
the Pequannock Indians and sold some of their women into servitude into
Massachusetts. He also says the Pequots had conquered the tribes along the Sound
west of Quinnipiac, and made them tributary before the English came, and states
that the Pequannocks engaged with the Pequots, as their allies, in the fight at
Cupheag, and also at the swamp on the western boundary of Fairfield. The fight
said to be at Cupheag was probably at Pequanno.ck river where afterwards a gun
was found as shown by the following record.
say the same for substance as I doo and
William Corn well at Sebrook who was there."
Mr. Nicholas Knell
[one of the first settlers at Stratford] testifies to ye same with Mr. Higgison
as respecting ye Indians giving ye land to ye English, and recommended payment
of money to ye Indians as gratuity for ye gifts.
Taken this 3d Aprill Nicholas Knell
Guilford May 5, 1659
John Higgison."
" Testimony of
Thomas Stanton.
"Loving friends I
received your's dated may the 41h 1659, by John Minor wherein I understand of
the insolent and unreasonable behavior and demands of the natives in your parts
as chalenging all or the greatest part of your land so 'long since by you
possest. Their chalenge is that if the English can prove the lands they possess
were ever sould them or given them or conquered by them.
I much wonder at these
times ; this lesson they have Icayrned but of late years certainly. They well
know the English did possess all these parts as Conquered lands for from
Newhaven to Sashquaket we did pursue the Pequets, killed divers at Newhaven and
at Cupheag, only one house, or the knrkise of one, we found at Milford without
inhabitants. At the cuting [off] of the Pequets all their friends and
confederates fled also being under the same condemnation withthem. Tis true
some at Paquannocke did formerly stand out but the Pequets did kill severell of
them [i. e. in previous wars,] and conquered the country, [and] sobrought all
the Indians at [on] Long Island and the mayne [land] their tributaries from
Pequet to Accomket beyond Hudson River. The English conquering the Pequets
conquered them also and took Captains from Sashquaket [and] Poquanocke, for
they several of them lived with the Pequets in time of their prosperitie and
fought against the English also at Sashquaket, Poquanocke Indians fought
against us, likewise some of those women are at and the Bay
"General
Court, April, 1639. Thomas Bull informed the
[Massachusetts] as
captives to this day. I have informed some of the most. Rational Pequets of
this and they say that if the English do grant that the western. Indians may
sell their land, they [the Pequots] may do the like, for they say their land
[the Pequannocks] is conquered as well as ours. Severall of themselves debate
the poynt with them and prove it to the English before their faces. Also since
the wars I can testify that the Indians at Paquanock did intreat Mr. Haynes.
and Mr. Hopkins [then Magistrates] that some (?) of the English would dwell by
them that so they might not be in fear of their enemies, the uplanders, and
that the English should have all their land only providing them some place for
planting ; which I think is but a reasonable request, and I hope you will atend
rules of mercie in that case; not that they shall be their own carvers what
they will and where for exhorbitant humor will cary them to disposes you of
your houses. Experience proves it; give an Indian an inch and he will take an
oil. I will Ingage myself to prove the land as before sayd conquered, and if I
mistake not very much the English by gift firsilic from themselves desiring as
above sayd the English to come and sit down upon it. I could wish this matter
had been in question in Mr. Haynes days and Mr. Hopkins, but the commanders of
the Bay [Massachusetts] soldiers, and commanders of Coneckticott, the antient
Pequets, will prove it Conquered land, and I never heard of other ground by
which the English did posses it but by Conquest and gift . . . Not else at
present to trouble you I comit you to God and rest your's, to love and serve as
God shall enable.
Thomas Stanton. Stratford Records."
Court
that a musket with two letters, J. W., was taken up at Pequannocke in pursuit
of the Pequatts, which was conceived to be John Woods who was killed at the
River's mouth. It was ordered for the present [that] the musket should be
delivered to John Woods friends until other appear.""
It has been generally
maintained that at the time the English came here these Indians were tributary
to the Mohawks, which has been an error according to this paper.
Mr. Stanton also says
"only one house or the karkise ot one we found at Milford without
inhabitants." This was the last week in March, 1637, two weeks before the
New Haven and the Milford companies arrived on what is now Connecticut
territory. The question arises, who built this frame of a house at Milford in,
or before 1638, before any of the Milford people came there?
Another paper was
given by Lieut. Thomas Wheeler." one of the first settlers at Fairfield,
with his father as he himself informs, and as the records show, from which
place he removed about 1657 to Derby, where the Indians
gave him land, as heretofore stated. Mr. Wheeler says, the Pequannock sachem,
whose name was Queriheag, being chief sagamore, when the English first came,
had his residence on the west side of Uncaway river, and that it was the home
and inheritance of his predecessors from generation to generation, giving us
some idea of the importance and antiquity of this tribe. Hence it appears that
the Pequannock Indians possessed the territory from what is now the Pequannock
river to Sasqua swamp."
14 Col. Rec. i. 29.
18 Lieutenant Thomas Wheeler's Testimony.
"That in the time
of his being an inhabitant of the town of Fayrefeyld and having several times
in discourse ocation to speake with some of the cheife of that company which
are now caled Uncaway Indians as Matawmuck, Nimrod and Anthony the Sagamore's
brother of Uncoway, men well known to themselves, did relate to him concerning
the land now in controversie as followeth :
"That they could
lay no clayme or chalenge to any of the land on the east side [of] Hawkins'
Brooke only they had liberty to hunt and fish.
"The ground of
this discourse partly came from this the Lieutenant having :1 farm on the east
side of this Hawkins Brooke and fearing least the Indians should lay clayme to
it as well as 10 the land on the west side of the aforesayd named Broke did
inquire of aforesayd named Indians concerning it. This the Lieutenant will take
his oath to, it being legaly demanded.
"This Deponent
further sayth, that Paquanock Sachem, the chief of the Paquanock Indians had
his place of residence on the west side of the River comonly called Unkcaway
River and that it was the proper wright of their predisesours from generation
to generation. This was afirmed to this deponent by Queriheag the cheefe
Sagamore of the Indians at the English first coming here. To this the deponent
Lieutenant Wheeler offers to take his oath legally caled thereto.
Thomas Wheeler. Stratford Rec."
No date, but it was
probably given in 1659, it following directly Mr. Higginson's letter.
These
Indians were numerous as appears from the many names attached to deeds, and as
we are informed by Squire Isaac Sherman, that twenty years later, when some of
them had removed farther north, there were one hundred wigwams occupied by them
at Golden Hill. This on a medium estimate would give from five to eight hundred
persons when the English first came here, and they were all Pequannock Indians,
as shown by the names attached to Fairfield Indian deeds.
Another testimony is
that of John Minor," one of the early settlers and
prominent men of Stratford, for many years an interpreter between the English
and Indians and he was also town clerk of Stratford. His statement was taken
for the particular purpose of disproving the claims of one Captain Beebe, in 1662,
but it also shows that the Indians declared, at that time, that the land was
given to Mr. Hopkins and Mr. Haynes twenty-four years previous, as stated by
Rev. John Higginson. In this paper, also, Mr. Minor states incidentally, that
there was then a "contagion" among the Indians, in consequence of
which they were not permitted to go into the church at Fairfield, where the
Court held its proceedings, and he also reveals the efforts made by
unprincipled men to turn the Indians from truth and right, for selfish
purposes.
" See Fairfield
Indian Deed dated Mar. 20, 1656, hereafter. " " The Testimony of
John Minor taken upon oath.
"Being desired to
speake to what I remember in order to what was spoken and acted by the Indians
or English about Captain Beebee's action commenced against the town of
Stratford at Fayrfeyld about Lands. The substance of what I can say is briefly
ihgs without any correction or bias of affection contrary to truth and equity.
"Being desired by
the Court then at Fnyrfcyld with James Beers to treat with the Indians of
Pequanocke who in regard of the present contagion* were not admited into the
meeting house when the Court sate about the land then in debate. At our first
coming to them the Indians there present did all agree in one that they had
never given any land particularly to Captain Beebee but that they gave it to
Mr. Hopkins and Mr. Haynes and the other comtce of Conecticoate Generally.
Having received this answer we went a little remote from the Indians.
"The better to
certifie each o1her how we understood them, several words passed between us but
at last 1 related to the aforesayd Beers what I understood as above sayd. James
Beers contradicted me saying he understood it otherways, whereupon we went to
the Indians a second time before we went into the Court and they confirmed the
same and sayed Captain Beebee had no particular interest
*The contagion was a
severe sickness in the winter or spring of 1663.
The
decision of the Court was rendered in 1659, and Golden Hill reservation was then
laid out.
Golden Hill
Reservation.l'
" General Court,
May, 1659. This Court having considered the business respecting the Indians at
Paquanack, and the difference twixt Stratford and Fairfield about the said Indians; do see cause to order that according unto the desire
of the Indians they may quickly possess and enjoy from henceforth and for the
future, that parcel of land called Gold Hill; and there shall be forthwith so
much land laid out within the liberties of Fairfield as the Committee appointed
by the Court shall judge fit, and in as convenient a place as may best answer
the desire and benefit of the Indians forementioned, for the future. And the
said -committee is to see so much land laid out within the bounds of Fairfield,
for the use and accommodation of Stratford as that Golden Hill forementioned
is, for quantity and quality, and as may be most convenient for the neighbors
of Stratford. And in case Stratford men are unwilling to accept of land, then
the committee shall appoint how much and in what kind the inhabitants of
Fairfield shall pay unto Stratford, in way of satisfaction. And it is ordered
that this parcel of land called Gold Hill, surrendered by Stratford unto
Paquanack Indians, according to the premises, shall be full satisfaction from them
unto the Indians forenamed, and that neither they nor their successors shall
make any further claims or demands of land from Stratford, but shall henceforth
be accounted as Fairfield Indians, or belonging to Fairfield, to be provided
for by thern for future as is forementioned in the order. And it is ordered
that in case these Indians shall wholly at any time relinquish and desert Gold
Hill, that then it shall remain to Stratford plantation, they repaying to
Fairfield the one half of that which they received in consideration of the said
land.
in any land from them but they gave it as
above sayd. Several questions I propounded to the Indians at this time so that
now James Beers sayd I understood them well enough and as we were going from
the Indians, as before Captain Beebee being a little ways from us James Beers
caled to him, Captayne said he the land is gone, the Indians now uterly disown
any perticalar gift to you. Then gone it is says he.
"We now both agreeing that we understood
the Indians aright went into the Court house to return our answer to the Court.
Whilst we were abroad before we went into Court Captayne Beebee went to the
Indians and the Captayne's Sonn. What they sayd to the Indians I know not but
presently before we had delivered to the Court what the Indians had sayd there
was a caling out that the Indians had something more to say. Upon which the
Court desired us to go forth agayne and be fuly resolved what their minds were.
At which then coming to them we found them of another turn, as may apear by our
testimony upon oath.
This shall legally if called thereto to take
my oath of 8th, 3d, 1663.
John Minor.
This action was tried about Michelmas, Anno,
1662.
Taken upon oath this nth, 3d, 1663.
Samuel Sherman. Stratford Records." l1 Col. Rec., i. 335.
" The committee
appointed by the Court to see this order put into execution are, of Norwalk,
Mr. Camfield, Mr. Fitch, Richard Olmstead, Nathaniel Elye, who are to bound out
the lands at Gold Hill, about 80 acres, beginning at the foot of the hill where
the wigwams stood, and to run upwards on the hill and within Fairfield bounds,
as is above mentioned. And the said committee is to make return to the Court in
October, what they do in reference to this order."
The Report of the
Committee.
" Loving neighbors of
Stratford we whose names are underwritten have according to the order we had
from General Court, without any respect to persons
considered of the value that Fairfield men shall pay to Stratford for the 80
acres of land that the Indians do possess at Paquanocke with a due
consideration of the land and the place where it lies, wherein we are agreed
and do appoint that the Fairfield men shall pay to the Stratford men for the 80
acres of land that the Indians do possess at Paquanocke, twenty pound ; this to
be paid in beefe, porke, wheat"and pease. Of beefe 2 barrels, [and] of
porke, good and merchantable, which we value at twelve pound, and 8 pounds to
be payd in wheat and pease;—wheat at 4 shillings 6 pense the bushill, pease 3
shillings 6 pense the bushell, good and merchantable, and this to be payed of
Fairfield to Stratford men betwixt this and the first day of March next
ensuing. This being our agreement we have set to our hands
Matthew Camfeyld
Thomas Fitch."
When this settlement
was effected in obedience to the directions of the Court, an arrangement was
made directly with the Indians.
Agreement between the
Indians of Pequannock and the inhabitants of Stratford.
" Whereas there hath
been a difference between the Indians of Pequanack and the inhabitants of
Stratford, for thc issuing.of which it is agreed the Indians aforesayd
acknowledging their former irregular carriage and misdemeanor and promising
reformation in the particulars hereafter mentioned, it is then agreed that the
aforesaid Indians shall have liberty to plant and improve the land between the
fence that the Indians made and the bounds which the committee laid for the
aforesaid Indians, till they shaH forfeit the same in the apprehension of the
inhabitants of Stratford by breaking their engagement in the particulars
following:
" The Indians do
hereby ingage not to kill or any way molest our cattle and swine.
" They ingadge to medic with
none of our corn or pease to steale from us.
"They do ingadge so to mayntayne their fence which
joynes to the fence of the Inhabitants of Stratford that the corn may be
secured, and if any damage comes through any defect in their fence they are to
make satisfaction.
"They are further, to keep up their fence winter and
summer to prevent damaging either them or us.
" They do further engadge to suffer none of the
inhabitants of Fayrefeyld and those of the farmers to get in or drive any
cattle through the aforesaid ground which the Indians improve, that is to say
the whole bounds layed out by the committee upon and about Golden Hill.
"The Indians aforesaid are well satisfied with what the
committee had done, every particular, and concerning the two highways likewise.
"These Indians have subscribed in the name of all the
rest, this 24th Aprill 1660.
Musquattat's mark Nim rod's mark
Nesuposu's mark Nomlcdge's mark
Fcchekin's mark."
Thus rested the question of the ownership of the Soil of the
Stratford township at the end of twenty years of occupancy by the English. It
had not been purchased by the whites, not a rod square of it so far as has been
ascertained unless it had been one piece bought by Moses Wheeler—deed dated
April 12, 1659—as he alleged in 1684, but which was never recorded on Stratford
records, although he said he made the purchase at the request of the principal
men of the town ; and therefore all the statements by historians that Stratford
territory was purchased in 1639, by Mr. Thomas Fairchild or any others were
made for want of information, which might easily have been obtained from the
Stratford first book of Town Records.
CHAPTER II.
INDIAN DEEDS AND RESERVATIONS.
SCARCELY
had the proceedings instituted before the General Court come to a close
declaring that Stratford, in 1659, already owned the land it claimed, before
the Indians began to clamor for pay for their long possessed inheritance, and
the people of the town began to yield in hope of obtaining a peaceful end, and
to buy the land at the most favorable terms possible.
The first deed of purchase which has come to light was
recorded in the first book of land records for the Colony at Hartford and was
received by Moses Wheeler and dated April 12, 1659, and seems to have been
executed while the question of title was before the Court at Hartford. It was a
deed of "a parcel of ground lying along the side of Potatuck river, the
east end of it being on a small river, which they say is Nayump, the west end
bounding to a great rock [from which the name—nai-ompsk ' point of rock'
was derived] which reacheth the full length of all that plain piece of ground,
and also to have two miles and a half of ground on the upland and all the
meadow within that bounds."1 " Moses Wheeler alleged that the
purchase was made at the solicitation of the principal inhabitants of
Stratford, to prevent it from falling into other hands and that it cost him
upwards of forty pounds."' After the Court in 1659 decided that the territory
belonged to Stratford with out paying for it, the town allowed
Moses Wheeler to keep his land twenty-five years and then began to lay it into
division lots among its own members without regard to Moses Wheeler, although
he was one of their own citizens. But they were brought to time by the General
Court in October, 1684, by a profitable suggestion, thus: "This Court do
recommend it to the town of Stratford to come to an agreement with Moses
Wheeler, sen. about the purchase he made of the Indians of a tract of land
within their bounds," and some of the townsmen were required to appear at
the next court and report the proposition of settlement to be ratified by the
Court, which they did by giving Mr. Wheeler half of the land. Charity suggests
that possibly these brethren of Moses Wheeler had forgotten, or were taking a
little nap on, the subject of the golden rule as the reason why they left him
with the expense of the land for twenty-five years, without fulfilling their
agreement.
On June 5, 1660, a little over one year after the Court
rendered its decision in favor of Stratford, a deed from the Indians for Stratford
land was received by Bray Rossiter of Guilford,'and this act by one outside of
the town, set the ball moving, or rather set the Indians crazy to sell the land
they had just been told they did not own. This piece of land seems to have been
on the west side of the Housatonic about one mile above the two mile Island in
that river, but whether Mr. Rossiter held it or not after 1684 has not been
ascertained.
'"June 5, 1660. An agreement betwixt Wampcagy, Ansutu,
Wampeug, Aquiump and Onepenny, Indians of ye one party and Bray Rosseter of
Guilford ye other party as followeth : All the afores'd Indians do passover,
assign and sell (for a debt due) unto ye sd. Bray Rosseter one hundred acres of
land on ye west side of ye river yt passeth up by Stratford ferry, (a little
below ye land of Miiford men at Paugesutt) the said hundred acres to begin at
ye River and to take all ye breadth betwixt two small brooks and soc backward
until ye said sume be made upp, with all ye privileges ol ye River for tishing
lying before ye said land, and ye sd Indians doe further promise and ingage to
sell what other lands ye sd Bray Rosseter shall desire to buy behind ye same
father in ye woods uppon like
indifferent terms, in witness our hands.
A markc of Wampeagy.
A marke of Aquiump.
The marke of Wompeug.
The markc of Nansuty.
The markc of Onepenny.
Wampcagy, Nansutti and Onepenny desired to set down ye names
of Wumpeug and Aquiump, Sagemes, affirming yt they consented unto ye same in
presence of, etc.
Wampeagy approved the above before Andrew Leete, Assistant
at Guilford Feb. 28, 1684."
Another deed* was given by the
Indians of land called by the English at the time Mohegan Hills, bounded on the
west with the "near sprayne" (or stream, or branch) of the Farmill
river, the date being 1661, but the name of the month being obliterated. The
peculiar item in this deed is the information that there was then "a hop
garden hard by ye River though on ye other side." In 1654 Edward Wooster
was the first settler in Derby for the special purpose of raising hops on the
bottom land now a little way below Ansonia, and here in what is now Huntington
was another hop garden only seven years later, and may have been there several
years earlier than 1661.
4 This writing made ye 1661.
" For and upon good consideration moving me thereunto I
make over alienate and freely give to my loving Iriend Joseph Judson of
Stratford in ye jurisdiction of Connccticot, to him. his heirs and assigns (to
have and to hold without molestation or trouble from any Indian or Indians
whatsoever laying clayinc or challenge) forever a parcell ol land bounded on
the northwest by ye lower part of Moose hill, on ye west with ye nere sprayne
of ye far Mill River, on ye south at ye parting of ye spraynes of ye far Mill
River called by ye English ye Trapfalls, and on ye east by ye northwest spraine
of ye far Mill River, soe running to ye pine swamp at ye head of ye River. This
parcell of land called by ye English ye Mohegan Hills and by ye Indians
Ackquunokquahou I Amantnncag doc give as aforesd with all ye privileges and
appertenances, the meadow or what else belongs thereto'as witness my hand and
seale ye day and date above written.
There is also a hop garden hard by yc River, though on ye
other side, which I doe also freely give to aforesaid Joseph Judson and his
forever.
The mark of Amantaneag.
The mark of Akenotch,
Sagamore of Pagasett.
The mark of Ansantaway.
Acquiiunps his mark.
Acquiumps doth hereby confirm this act of Amantaneag's
witness his hand the 41h of loth, 1663.
Per me John Minor.
Poidge, his mark.
Patequeno, his mark.
Chepon, his mark."
Witnesses:
The mark of Suchsquoke.
The mark of Wiinnubber.
There are also in this deed as well
as others that follow several local names of interest.
A second deed' was given the same year, probably a
* " This present writing witnesseth yt 1 Wampcgan who
am ye lawful heir to all ye Indian Rights and privileges yt did aforetime
belong to ye Sachems and my grandfather and since to other Sachems my uncles
who were ye legall proprietors of a great tract of land lying west from yc farr
mill River at Woronoke bounded on ye east with a pine swamp at ye east sprainc
of ye far mill River bounded on ye west wi'h ye west sprainc of Paquamluck
River, on ye South with ye lower part of Monse hill and bounded on yc north
with yc Assuntokereng a place soe named about a mile and a half north from ye
upper part of Moose hill, and norwest with a place called Manantock running as
far as Pootatuck path ; I say I Wampegan doe not only hereby confirm what hath
been formerly granted and freely bequeathed to Joseph Judson of Stratford in ye
Jurisdiction of Connecticut by Weenepes my uncle, I being a witness to what he
did and it being for substance ye same which I do at present, but also I doe
hereby give and freely bequeath to yc aforesaid Joseph Judson vc aforementioned
tract of land, to him his heircs and assigucs forcvur to have and to hould
witliout molestation or trouble from any person or persons Indian or Indians
whatsoever yl shall lay clavme or challenge to any part of ye sd land by virtue
of any title or interest whatsoever therein ; I say I give and freely bequeath
the aforesaid land with all ye appurtenances and privileges belonging, as
hunting, &c.. with all dues to said land as if I were personally to enjoy
the customs thereto belonging myself. The aforesaid Joseph Judson promising yt
upon this consideration Wompegan his first cousins named Poidge, Heenummojeck,
Momowetah shall have free liberty to hunt for deare, &c., uppon ye aforesd
tract of land. For ye assurance hereof yt this is my act and deed is written
freely and subscribed, this ninth of September one thousand six hundred and
sixty-one, 91h Sept., 1661.
Wampegan, his mark.
The mark of Akenotch the
Sagamore of Pagusett.
The mark of Ansantaway.
"This writing made ye 141h May, 1662, witnessetl) yt I
Acquiumph upon good consideration doc confirm ye abovcsd gift by Wompegan or
any before, to Joseph Judson of Stratford. I Acquiumph Sachem of Pootatuck doe
confirm ye same in every particular by subscribing ye day and date above
written.
The mark of Quiump, Sachem of
Pootatuck being related to Wampegan.
Poidge, his mark,
Chepenetl, his mark."
month or two later, of land lying
west from the Far-mill river, extending west to the west branch -of the
Pequannock river. "There was a Pootatuck path " bounding the land on
the northwest. Pootatuck was at that time the name of the Indian settlement
occupying land now covered by the southern part ot the village of Shelton in
Huntington, the place of the same name in Newtown not being then established.
This deed was given by another party than the latter previous one, and was
confirmatory of the other, yet the same Sachem signed both. This strikingly
illustrates the separate interests in the lands by the Indians and also the
relation between the Pequannocks or Stratford Indians and the Paugasetts, the
Paugasett chief signed both deeds.
A third deed* was given in the year 1661, which was by
Towtanimow and his mother the wife of Ansantaway, the old chief of Milford, who
also signed the deed. Towtanimow was the chief Sachem at Paugassett at that
time, but died that same winter, for in the spring—April, 1662—Okenuck signs a
deed in which he states that he is the only Sachem of Paugassett.
'" This indenture made the 4th day of December, in the
year of our Lord Christ one thousand six hundred and sixtie one between
Towtanamy and his mother the wife of Ansantaway being the Chief Sagamore of
Pagusit on the one parte and Samuel Sherman and John Html and Caleb Nichols,
Townsmen in the name of the inhabitants of the town of Stratford in the colony
of connecticoute on the other part: Whereas the said Towtanimy is now lawfully
seized to him and his heayers and asigns forever of and in all that plat of
land lying and being between the nerer Milne River and the father Milne River
comonly so caled by the English and being the bounds south and northeast upon
Stratford River and west with the bare swamp caled by the Indians Makoron,
northwest on black brook's mouth : now this indenture witnesseth that the sayd
tantanimy and in the name of all the rest ol the Indians of pawgasit for and in
consideration of twelve pound [worth] of trading cloath and one blankit to him
in'hand payd before the writing hereof by the say'd Samuel Sherman, John Hurd
and Caleb Nichcols and for other considerations him the sayd towtanamy
thereunto moving hnth given, granted, bargained, sould enfeofled and confirmed
by these presents do give .... to Samuel Sherman, John Hurd and Caleb Nichcols
and the inhabitants of Stratford aforesayd for ever all and every part of the
sayd parcell of land above written being between the Mill Rivers ; and all the
sayd Towtanamy's right and interest thereunto.
Towtanomow, Sagamore, his mark.
Ansantaway, his mark.
Uncktine, his mark.
Chipes, his mark." Dec. 4, 1661.
In April, 1662, a deed' was given by
Okenonge (more commonly called Okenuck, on Derby deeds) of land at the western
boundary of Paugassett lands, which is a matter of interest although not quite
explainable. West and northwest of this land is met the territory controlled
and deeded by Pocono, then the Sachem at Weantinock (New Milford), for he gave
a deed in 1671 to Henry Tomlinson for more than twenty thousand acres
apparently extending to or into Newtown. This deed to* Henry Tomlinson was
secured upon a permit by the General Court for establishing a plantation, and
was recorded in Stratford, where Mr. Tomlinson resided, claiming seven miles in
length, three miles wide from the river on each side, or six miles in breadth,
which was to be three miles up, and three down the river from Goodyear's Island
in the Housatonic just below Falls Mountain in New Milford. This locality, if
not the most, is one of the most sublime, on the Housatonic river, but the
lower half of the territory covered by the deed was ol small value in
consequence of the steep rocky hills along the river.
The accompanying cut is a good representation of Falls
l " Know all men by these presents yt I Okenonge ye
only Sachem of Pagasit1 doe freely give and bequeath unto my loving friends
Ensign Joseph Judson and Joseph Hawley and John Minor of Stratford in ye Colony
of Connecticott a parcell of Land bee it more or less lying on ye west of ye
land weh ye aforesd Town of Stratford hath purchased of mee and it being all yt
lyes on ye west of wl is already purchased yt belongs to me and Pagassett
Indians. That I give the above sd tract of land to ye aforenamed persons to
have and to hold wlhout molestation or trouble by any Indian or Indians
w'soever: I say to them and (heire Heires forever as witness m3' hand this 22d
April 1662.
Witnessed by us Okenonge his marke."
Nansantaway's marke
Chipps his marke "
' Deed to Henry Tomlinson for 26,880 acres signed by the
following Indians:
Pocono, his mark. Mataret, 1he Sachem's Toto, his mark.
Ocomunhed, his mark. eldest son. Mohemat, his mark.
Wesonco. his mark. Tomo, his mark, the sec- Chetemhehu, his
mark.
Pomuntock, his mark. ond Son of Mataret. Othoron, his mark.
Ringo, his mark. Ouocanoco, his mark. Papisconas, his mark.
Coshushamock, his mark. Weekpenos, his mark.
Mountain
at the gorge looking up stream from the northern extremity of Goodyear's
Island. The river just below the gorge has been called the Cove and Fishing
Place since the first settlement of New Milford, because here the shad and
herring were stopped in their progress up the river, and hence afforded a great
supply of fish for the whole region of country—shad having been sold there many
times at one penny each ; and the most advantageous part of the west shore
having been rented in the early settlement of the town, for 999 years, for one
shad of every thirteen that should be caught there. The gorge is over half a
mile long, at the upper end of which are the Great Falls where now is located
the large Wood-finishing Mill built by Bridgeport men, and where in olden times
were caught by Indians and whites immense numbers of lamprey-eels. These falls
are not very high but are called the great falls in comparison with smaller
ones two miles further up the ri'/er. The Island was named Goodyear's Island
from the fact that Mr. Stephen Goodyear of New Haven about the year 1642 built
a trading house upon it or near it, for purposes of commerce with the Indians.
The point of rocks on the right hand
in the picture is called Lover's Leap from a legend said to have been historic
of an ancient chiefs daughter, but the legend being about the same in all its
parts as is told of several other localities in Connecticut, receives but
little credence.
The Indian name of the Great Falls
was Metichawan,. denoting an "obstruction" or "turning
back,"* and hence since the fish stopped at the cove except the eels, the
name may have been applied more immediately to the cove by the Indians.
The falls are celebrated as having
been the locality— adjacent on the west bank—where was built the wonderfully
ornamented bark tent of the renowned chief Warhaumaug, the last but one of all
the chiefs of the Indians of Western Connecticut, or of the original Pootatuck
tribe.l0
The old chief Warhaumaug's monument
stands on the hill a little to the east of Lover's Leap. Sometime within later
years the white people have piled the stones, which lay scattered about for one
hundred years at the old chief's grave, into a monumental pile, as represented in
the accompanying cut. From it there is a beautiful outlook over the surrounding
country, for which reason the old chief requested to be buried there.
1 See Trumbull's Indian Names.
"See "Indians of the
Housatonic Valley."
The gathering of the Indian tribes from the south and -east
with the old chief Warhaumaug at the falls was the last of any considerable
number until they concentrated at Scalacook, where now only a few families are
left.
Warhaumaug seems to have been the
chief "Tom King" of Turkey Hills in Milford and of Coram in
Stratford, in 1714, who coming to this locality took his name, which means
"good fishing place," from the place. He died about 1735. being
attended in his last sickness by the Rev. Daniel Boardman of New Milford.
Henry Tomlinson's deed was reaffirmed" with an
additional grant in 1702 extending it northward " five miles and a half in
length from the Still River, to run southwest to a small brook called Susumene
Brook and so in breadth three miles on both sides the great river." This
was given to Richard Blackleach and Daniel Shelton, who had probably inherited
or purchased it from Henry Tomlinson or his heirs. This was the land that John
Read was heir to from his father who resided in Stratford as one of its first
settlers. Mr. Read, who afterwards settled at Reading, Conn., and from whose
family that town took its name, and who became very celebrated in the
profession of law in Boston, sued the New Milford company for trespass when
they settled there ; gained his suit before the Hartford Court fifteen times
but lost it on the sixteenth, and then surrendered his claim."
In the year 1671, the inhabitants of Stratford having become
tired of purchasing the soil by piecemeal which they already owned, entered
into an agreement to purchase all the claims of the Indians, within the town,
except the reservations sanctioned by the Court, and in order to make.a full
end of the matter brought it before the General Court, by their deputies, and
the Court ordered a full settlement, appointing the deputies to attend the
execution of the matter and make report. The agreement with the Indians, and
the deed are both recorded. In this deed" they acknowledge all previous
agreements and confirm all sales. They restate the boundaries as follows:
11 Henry Tomlinson's deed confirmed with addition to Richard
Blackleach. and Daniel Shelton, August 9, 1702, and signed by the following :'
.' . , Poconos, his mark.
Indian witnesses. : '-' Werneitt, his mark.
Papcpetito, his mark, Cush, his mark.
Sachem of Oantenocke. Paquahim, his mark.
Siccus, his mark. Nunhotuho, his mark, the
Metach, ' his mark. Indian interpreter.
Mattecus, his mark,
Poconos' son.
" See History of New Milford, Conn.
"The line running from ye
southward to ye northward twelve miles as it is now settled by ye court and
from that north line, ye north end of it to runn away easterly to a pine swamp
and so to a little River commonly called ye halfway River and soe to ye g'
River called Stratford River—the north bounds being yc half-way River, ye east
bounds Stratford River and ye South bounds ye Sound on ye Sea, ye west bounds
Fayrefeyld as aforesd."
It was agreed that the Town of Stratford shall pay or cause
to be paid for and in consideration of the premises of Musquatt or his assigns,
ten coats and five pounds of powder and twenty pound of lead. By this purchase
was secured, or rather the Indians released from any claims, a large proportion
of what is now the northern half of the township of Huntington in which there
were some sandy hills of light color, and hence the name '"White Hills
Purchase," by which the territory was designated on the town records, and
the name is still retained in the White Hills school districts.
This purchase, which cost the town of Stratford according to
the tax list made specially for this purpose, over £40, quieted the Indians
just thirteen years, when another squad of claimants had grown up, or at least
made their appearance, and doubtless for a consideration—as whenever did they
without—confirmed the previous sale, thus: " We whose names are hereunto
subscribed have had a full understanding of the contents of the above written
bill of sales,—we do fully concur with those that formerly signed the same, and
do approve
"This deed which secured particularly the While Hills
was dated May 25, 1671, and signed by the following Indians :
Indian witnesses. Musqtiatt, his mark.
Sucksquo, his mark. Nesumpaw, his mark.
Susqua James, his mark. Susapaqun, his mark.
Peonseck, his mark. Shoron, his mark.
Totoquan, his mark. Tackymo, his mark.
thereof and do oblige ourselves and
our heirs to stand thereto, Golden Hill as stated by the Court
excepted.""
Thus ended apparently all Indian claims to Stratford lands,
except in the reservations at Golden Hill and Coram. Of those who signed this
last release two deserve a passing notice. Siacus, who signed a deed in
Fairfield, retired to Gaylordsville in New Milford where he resided some years
after the Gaylord family settled there about 1724, and where the site of his
hut is still pointed out, as having stood in the midst of an orchard of
apple-trees. He was a kindly remembered old Indian.
Chickens was also of the Pequannock tribe, and removed,
probably, first to the Newtown or southern part of New Milford, thence to
Reading, where he claimed and held a reservation, and after some years traded
his reservation there for land at Ten Mile River near Kent, with John Read, and
became one of the Kent tribe. His grandson, Tom Warrups, figured somewhat
amusingly as well as patriotically during the Revolution at Reading," and
after some years he removed and settled on the east side of Mount Tom in New
Milford, where he enjoyed much liberty, lived cheerfully, loved strong water,
had a wife who was a complete slave in waiting on him, but quite content in her
home. Nothing is known of his death and hence probably he removed to Kent about
1810.
The local name Pootatuck, where the southern part of the
village of Shelton now stands in the town of Huntington, was within the
original limits of the town of Stratford, and was occupied by Indians,
apparently, until 1684, some forty years after the town began to be settled,
although it was not a reservation. It was probably the most ancient settlement
on that river below Weantinock and retained the original name of the river,
which was Pootatuck, meaning " falls river" or the river with many
falls. From the distribution of relics as well as the name of the river it is
suggested that the Mohican, or Hudson river Indians, came through the opening
of the mountains a little below the present town of Kent, Conn., and finding
the magnificent cascade or falls at the place now called Bull's Bridge, and on
ascertaining the falls at New Milford and at Canaan, they named the river
Pootatuck, ' falls river.' So far as ascertained, this was the only name
applied by the Indians to this river when the whites first came here," and
from it came the general classification of Pootatuck Indians to all who.resided
upon.it; except that they, always retained—even to this day—the ancestral origin
of Mohegans (usually pronounced by the Indians, Mohegans.) The first settlement
they made on the river of any considerable account was at New Milford which was
retained as the Councilfireplace, or the capital, until the locality was sold
in 1705. A small settlement was perhaps first made at Kent called Scatacook
(Pish-gach-tigok) signifying 'the confluence of'two. streams,' for here were
found by the first settlers such implements as were not made in this part of
the country, as described by Dr, Trumbull and as have been ascertained at
more,recent dates, but the favoring circumstances at that locality for a large
and permanent settlement were almost nothing compared to New Milford, where
were the richest bottom lands and greatest in extent of any place on the river,
besides the great abundance offish and eels tyo miles below, at Falls Mountain.
Then, also, it has been handed down frort' the Rev. Daniel Boardman the first
minister at New Milford, by his
14 Confirmation of the White Mills sale, April 28, 1684.
Papuree, his mark.
Indian witness. Ponamscut, his mark.
Nasumpawes, his mark. Acunhe, his mark.
Robin, his mark.
Matach, his mark.
Siacus, his mark.
Chickens, his mark.
Sashwake James, his mark.
Crehero, his mark.
Nasqurro, his mark.
Cheroromogg, his mark.
11 Hist, of Redding, 65. Indians of Housatonic, Hist. New
Milford.
" On Stratford and Derby
records the only Indian name for this river at first was Pootatuck, with
various spellings, and as late as 1723 in Newtown in a public vote they say,
" the Great or Potatuck River," in a proposition to purchase the
Indian claims of Quiomph and his tribe then residing there, thus showing that
the Indians still retained their old name for the river.
son Sherman Boardman in writing that
New Milford was the chief seat of government for all the tribes or clans on the
Housatonic river. The only locality that retained the original name was at
Shelton, and the extensiveness of the burials made there indicates greater
antiquity than elsewhere except at New Milford. There was here also at the old
Pootatuck village, an old fort when the English first came, and a new one had
been built, just before, or was built soon after, at what is still called Fort
Hill on the west side a little further up the river. '
CONFLUENCE OF THE HOUSATONIC WITH THE NAUGATUCK.
The accompanying illustration represents the Naugatuck river
coming from the north, at the right hand, into the Housatonic. The cove at the
north end of the fields opposite the old Leman Stone store and shipping house,
was known many years as Huntington Landing (belonging to Stratford 150 years);
and about half a mile up the river on the west side was the old Pootatuck
settlement and fort; and a mile above it on the same side of the river
was the new fort on what is still Fort Hill, while about a mile further up is
the Indian Well. This Huntington and Derby Landing was a great shipping port
for about one hundred years.
It was at this place, being within the bounds of Stratford,
that the Indians in 1663 agreed to abandon their old planting field for the
sake of peace, and probably for the purpose of being allowed to occupy the
locality longer as a settlement or residence, after the land had been turned
over to the English more than twenty years, in the following language :
" Upon consideration of friendly and loving
correspondence between us and the town of Stratford, we will no more plant on
the south side of the Great River at Paugusitt to prevent a ground of future
variance between us, in order to avoid any damage that might be done to
corn."" The cattle and swine of the English were pastured in the
wilderness, and if the Indians planted corn without making substantial fences
about it, damage would be the inevitable result; therefore rather than build a
fence around land they could not legally hold, they concluded not to plant at
that place. A large proportion of the Paugasitt tribe were residing then on
Derby Neck, a mile north of the present village of Birmingham, where they had a
large planting field.
The relics found at Pootatuck have been numerous and some of
them very fine in workmanship. Two pestles dug up in excavating for a cellar in
1879, near the river, in the lower part of Shelton, were the most perfect of
any seen in this part of the country.
The Indian Well is the only remaining monument or visible
reminder of the old Pootatuck tribe. This was located on the west side of the
river about a mile above the dam across the Housatonic. A stream of water pours
through the opening of the rocks and descends about twenty feet into a deep
pool or well, said to have been measured to the depth of one hundred feet
without finding the bottom. It is said that the Indians held some superstition
of awe or veneration for the place, but the appearance would indicate the awe
to have partaken more of the nature of thankfulness for the coolness and
agreeableness of the place and the abundance of good water. It is a pleasing
resort for visitors in the summer, and many improve its inviting shades and
romantic scenery. Whether the Indians had as much or more pleasure in the
locality than the whites have since may be a question of doubt, but certain it
is that the name is the Indian Well.
1l The agreement between Okenunge and Stratford, May 28,
1663, was signed by the following names :
Okenunge, his mark. Ansantaway, his mark.
Amantaneage, his mark. Mansuck, his mark.
Asquetmougu, his mark. Nomponucke, his mark.
About 1680 the Indians on the lower part of the Housatonic
made a considerable migration with their wigwams up the Housatonic river, those
on the south side to Pootatuck in Newtown and those on the east side to the
mouth of the Shepaug on the north side. In 1681,the Pequannock Indians sold
their old planting field in Fairfield, and in 1685, 1686 and 1687 they
completed the sale of all their claims in that town. Golden Hill and Coram in
Stratford were left, but Coram they never liked as a place for wigwams and but
few dwelt there, and the whites had already settled to the north of that place,
so that game was scarce, the forests were disappearing, and they felt compelled
to move West, as many of their successors have done since.
Newtown and New Milford became the points of rendezvous from
1680 until about 1705, when they sold again and moved on west.
Newtown from 1680 until 1705 must have been the home of
several hundred natives. In the latter year they sold the territory for that
township," making some reservation and in
"The deed for the purchase of Newtown.Is dated July 25,
1705, and was for a '' tract of land bounded south on a Pine Swamp and land of
Mr. Sherman and Mr. Rossiter, Southwest upon Fairfield bounds, Northwest upon
the bounds of Danbury, Northeast on land purchased by Milford men at or near
Caentonoack, and Southeast on land of Nannawaug, an Indian, the line running
two miles from the river right against Potatuck, the said tract of land
contaming in length, eight miles and in breadth six miles in consideration of
four guns, four Broadcloth coats, four Blanketts, four Buffalo Coats, four
Kettles, ten shirts, ten pair of
11723, they .by their chief,
Quiumph, sold all their claims in that town "except a corner of intervale
lying by ye River .where Cocksures fence" is." The Newtown deed of
1705, contains the names of several Indians who signed deeds in Fairfield and
Stratford, showing that they retired from their old wigwams along the coast to
Pootatuck in Newtown. New Milford. and Newtown were purchased' at nearly the
same time. At New, Milford they sold their last land, which was their old
planting field, in 1705, and with those from Newtown and Shepaug in Woodbury
began to center in considerable numbers at Kent. There is a sense of sadness
connected with their leaving Weantinock, their old council-fire place, where
their warriors had gathered during many generations to decide the great
questions of peace or war, and where their wigwams and fort had stood, perhaps
hundreds of years, and where also they had buried a large number of their
kindred ancestors. It was a beautiful locality, with
'Stockings, fortle pound of Lead, ten Hatchetts, ton pound
of powder and fortle knives."
. . Macroremee,. his mark. Siams, . his mark.
Wachunaman, his mark. Sudragumqua, his mark.
Walwatup, his mark. Wompenoch, his mark.
Martenech, his mark. Wachunanee, his mark.
\ Awashkeran, his mark. Saununtawan, his mark.
. . "; 'Ammeruetas, his mark. Manapok, his mark.
Mattouchsqua, his mark. Magusquo, his mark.
' . Gonnehampishe, his mark, Tarrosque, his mark.
Wompeowash; his mark. Meramoe, his mark.
Murapash, his mark. Sosauso, his mark.
. Punnauta, his mark. Wamatup, his mark.
. ' '.Wannome, his mark.- ; Mate-rook, his mark.
.. , Mesaukseo, his mark. . Awashkeram, his mark.
Taroosh, his mark. Mattoacksqua, his mark.
Merammoe, his mark. . Mauquash, his mark.
Sachamoque, his mark. Massumpo, his mark.
'. Sassousoon. his mark. Nannawaug, his mark.
' ' " Newtown deed. called Second Purchase, dated
Aug. 7, 1723.
Indian Witnesses.
Manchero, his mark.
Nalumkeotunk,. his mark.
Machekomp, his mark.
Mansumpus, his mark.
Quiumph, his mark.
most charming surroundings. Their
wigwams stood on the high bluff, seen in the accompanying picture, with the
mountain in the rear stretching to the north, and their rich planting field at
the foot of the bluff stretching eastward to the river and along its shore for
a mile or more. On the edge of the bluff, now covered with a beautiful
chestnuUand oak grove, was their burying place, where now after one hundred and
eighty years, fifty mounds may be counted; it being, probably, the most perfect
native memorial place that can be seen in all New England. The accompanying cut
shows first, beyond the bridge, the old field, then the bluff where a dwelling
stands ; a little to the left of which are the mounds, in the grove, and beyond
these the mountains. In front of all these, flowing beneath the bridge is the
Indians' grand old Pootatuck river. All these are but memorial of these native
children of America.
Notwithstanding there were only eighty acres of land
reserved for the Indians on Golden Hill, the white settlers were unwilling to
allow them even these acres, but the General Court faithfully tried to protect
them, as seen in the following record:
" May, 1678. Whereas this Court have been informed that
some of Stratford have been claiming and laying out land upon Golden Hill to
themselves, which hath been settled upon the Indians by agreement in this Court
about nineteen years since, the Indians having not relinquished their right in
the said Golden Hill, the Court confirms the same to the said Indians, according
to former grant, without molestation ; and this Court orders that the said
Indians shall not be molested or interrupted in their right there until they do
wholly relinquish their right publicly, and come and record the same before
this Court. This Court allows the Indians two coats to be delivered them by
Stratford for their trouble." "
In May, 1680, Ackenach, Sachem of Milford and Pau.gassett
Indians asked for more land for the support of his people ; in reply to which
the Court appointed two commit
10 Col. Rec., iii.
tees, one to lay out one hundred
acres at Turkey Hill, for Milford Indians,—which accomplished its work—and the
other to lay out one hundred acres at Corum hill. The latter say in their
report: " We have been at Corum hill and have laid out one hundred acres
of land, be it more or less, for the use of those Indians that properly belong
to Stratford to provide land for, by the law of this Colony, bounded with
marked trees and Stratford River and Samuel Judson's ground; sufficient
highways and conveniences for fishing on that side the river to be allowed in
that said land when and where occasion shall require from time to time. Oct. 3,
6, 1680.
William Fowler. Jehu Burr."
This Coram land the Indians did not like, reporting it as
very stoney and poor, but they occupied it many years, although not in large
numbers. In 1714, they sold about twenty acres of it," for the sum of nine
pounds and other land. This other land is described as "in Stratford
township near a place called Quorum, bounded on the east partly on the river
and on the north with a brook called Quorum brook."
In the deed to Harger is the name Tom, whom Harger in his
deed to the Indians says was son of Cockapotane, who was the last chief at
Paugassett, about 1730, and Tom in signing the deed made the same mark
Antsantaway had used a number of times, namely, the bow and arrow.
Tom was somewhat accustomed to high times when young, as
appears from the sale of a piece of the Coram reservation in 1724. The
following is the record:
" Know all men by these presents, that whereas certain
Turkey Hill Indians upon Stratford River did about May last and before, steal
sundry sheep from Stratford side out of Quorum plain and being convicted of the
same before Authority—the Indians were these: Montigue, Tom Will, Ponocurate,
Chashamon, .Mojono, Chipunch, Nenoco, Peicocuret,—their Sachem Tomtonee or
Munshanges, engaging to pay eleven pounds ten shillings in money which the said
Indians promised to pay for the damage in stealing of sheep, and not having
money to pay, the aforesaid Tomtonee, Sagamore, in the behalf of all the other
Indians doth make over two parcels of land ; the one being about two acres
called by the name of lower Quorum upon the great River, that they had of
Abraham Harger, the other ten acres of land near the Narrows, bounded with the
land of Daniel Shelton, north, south and easterly by the Indians' land in ye
bounds of Stratford for the aforesaid sum of eleven pound ten shillings, and
forty shillings more in money which we do own to have received already, in all
being thirteen pounds ten shillings; all the aforesaid land with all the
privileges, etc., hath made over unto Daniel Shelton of Stratford in the Colony
of Connecticut, to quitclaim unto the said Daniel Shelton and his heirs forever,
or so long as he the said Shelton or his heirs shall own that they are paid by
the improvement of said land. The said Shelton of his own accord doth say that
if the General Court or the town of Stratford saith he hath done amiss, he will
relinquish the land. The aforesaid Tomtonee paying the sum of thirteen pounds
ten shillings toaforesaid Shelton and the said Tomtonee, Sagamore,
91 The deed to Abraham Harger, dated May 31, 1714, was
signed by ten Indians as follows:
Windhatn, his mark. Mishallin, his mark.
Ackomie, his mark. Robin, his mark.
Tom, his mark. Curan, his mark.
Tackamore, his mark. Rauneton, his mark.
Pequet, his mark. Chips, his mark.
does promise for himself and the
rest of said Indians that if ever the land is taken out of the hand of Daniel
Shelton or his heirs, that the said Tomtonee will pay back the aforesaid
thirteen pounds ten shillings to the aforesaid Shelton or his
heirs.""
The special reason why Mr. Shelton so freely offered to
restore the land if called upon was that it was unlawful for any person or
company to purchase land of the Indians without a permit from the Court.
'1 Derby, Jan. 7, 1723-4, Tomtonee's deed for stealing
sheep.
Mashages, his mark. Tomtnnee, his mark.
Tom Will, his mark. Cheponan, his mark.
Punto, his mark.
It has been reported that the
Indians had a reservation at Oronoque, or Woronoque, as the early Stratford
town clerks wrote it, but no record of such reservation has been seen by the
author of these pages. They may have resided there, or occupied a particular
locality for many years by sufferance from the town, as they did at Pootatuck,
but there was no reservation in the town but at Golden Hill, at first, and then
at Coram afterwards, and the wood lot at Rocky Hill.
Golden Hill Reservation Sold.
The settlement made with the Pequannock Indians in 1659, in
the appropriation of eighty acres of land on Golden Hill, by the General Court
through the towns of Stratford and Fairfield, remained in force nearly one
hundred years, or until October, 1763, when three Indians—Tom Sherman, Eunice
Shoran his wife, and Sarah Shoran, petitioned the General Court for redress,
claiming that they and their ancestors " had quietly enjoyed said lands
till within a few years last past, Gamaliel French, widow Sarah Booth, Elihu Burret,
Joseph Booth, Mary Burret, the Rev. Robert Ross, Ezra Kirtland, Aaron Hawley
and Samuel Porter, all of said Stratford, and Daniel Morriss, John Burr, Jr.,
and Richard Hall, all of Fairfield, have entirely ejected and put the
memorialists out of the whole of said lands and pulled down their wigwam
without right." Upon this complaint, Jabez Hamlin, Benjamin Hall and
Robert Treat, Esqrs., were appointed a committee to inquire into the matter and
report, which report was made the next May, but the Court was wholly
dissatisfied with it and appointed Jabez Hamlin, Elisha Sheldon and Robert
Treat, Esqrs., a second committee " with full power and authority to
examine into and discover said matters of grievance." This committee
reported the next October, 1765, an agreement with the Indians to sell all the
eighty acres except "a certain piece or parcel of land called Nimrod lot,
containing about twelve acres, with the spring at the point of Golden Hill
aforesaid, bounded westerly by an highway, eastwardly by Poquonnuck River,
northerly by Jabez Summer's land, and southerly by the Cove and common land,
also about eight acres of wood-land at Rocky Hill, to be purchased for them by
the petitioners, they also paying to them the said Indians, thirty bushels of
Indian corn and three pounds worth of blankets."" This report and
agreement was accepted and ordered by the Court to be executed, and to be in
full for all demands by the Indians.
Besides the thirty bushels of Indian
corn and three pounds worth of blankets, those who had trespassed on the rights
of the Indians were ordered by the Court to pay to Thomas Hill, the Indian
agent, £52 n§ 2d, to defray the expenses of the Indians in the suit.
In the agreement with Fairfield in 1659, this land upon the
Indians leaving it, was to revert to the town of Stratford, upon their
returning half the amount of money that Fairfield paid for it. If this was
carried out, then these trespassers must have paid this item also to the town
of Stratford, if no more, provided they retained the land. It is probable,
however, that they paid a still further charge to Stratford for the land.
It will be seen by the above quotation that the wood land
was not an original reservation but a purchase at this time.
The Last Families.
Tom Sherman, the
last owner of the Golden Hill reservation, married, in the Indian way, Eunice
Shoran, and had children: I, Tom ; II, Eunice; III, Sarah.
I. Tom 2", m. Sarah (?) and had IV Ruby.
II. Eunice, m. Mack or Mansfield, formerly of Kent,
and had V, Jim, Garry and Eunice.
III. Sarah, m. Ben Roberts, a negro, and lived at the
Eagles' Nest at Stratford Tide Mill. Some of their descend
" Conn. Col. Records, xii.
ants still reside in Orange, Conn.,
but are not claimants on the Indian funds of Stratford.
V. Jim Mansfield, son of
Eunice Shoran, m. his cousin Ruby, dau. of Tom 2d, and had Nancy, who had VI,
William Sherman ; after which she m. John Sharpe, and had Beecher, Nancy and
Charles, and Sharpe being sent to State's Prison, she lived with a man Rensler,
and had Olive.
VI. William Sherman, son of
Nancy and grand-son of Tom 2d and Ruby, was born in 1825 in Poughkeepsie, N.
Y., and is still living at Nichols Farms in Trumbull, Conn., being the sole
claimant on the Indian money from the sale of Golden Hill. He m. Nancy Hopkins
of New London, and was a sailor in a whaling ship seventeen years; has been
'round the world nine times; was first mate of the ship five years and earned
an honorable standing and reputation, which he has retained to the present
time. He educated himself, and could perform the full services of a first mate
on a vessel correctly as well as intelligently. He has long been a respected
farm laborer at Nichols Farms, and long trusted with considerable
responsibility in the management of the farm and properties of Mr. F. P. Ambler
and Sons, while they were engaged in the business of Saddletree manufacturing
at that place. He has been the Sexton of the Cemetery at Nichols Farms about
thirty years and performed the work of his position with much satisfaction to
the community. He and his wife have acted in the capacity of nurses in severe
sicknesses in the community for many years, and as such won many expressions of
thankfulness and confidence. The tradition is that he is a descendant of Molly
Hatchet of Derby ; and in the healthy locality where he resides has attained to
the standard weight of about three hundred and sixty pounds.
His children are: I, William; II,
Henry, died aged 17 years; III, George, who m. Mary A. Hamilton; IV, Mary
Olive, who died young; V, Caroline; VI, Huldah ; VII, Mary Olive; VIII, Charles
; IX, child that died.
INDIAN
DEEDS, WARS AND RELICS.
FAIRFIELD and Stratford were both held by the Connecticut
Colony as conquered and ceded territory when these settlements were first
commenced, and for ten years they were treated in several respects as one
plantation. They were taxed as one; they were served with magistrates as one,
and jointly they provided for the Pequannock Indians after 1659 until 1680;
Stratford furnishing the land for the Golden Hill reservation in part and
Fairh'eld contributing something towards the supply of the land, and also the
agents to oversee the Indians were appointed from Fairfield.
In order, therefore, to understand the whole history of this
tribe of Indians it is important to refer to the deeds they gave of land in
Fairfield, and to preserve their names the same as the signers of Stratford
deeds.
The division line between Stratford and Fairfield passed
through, north and south, the territory which these Indians had long
cultivated, which constituted the open plains that the new settlers so much
desired, that they could not settle the boundary line themselves and hence
called on the General Court to do it. This they did by retaining the old line,
nearly through the centre of the plain, allowing the Indians to still cultivate
about eighty acres, called the old Indian field, near Uncoway River, in
Fairfield, and appropriating eighty more on Golden Hill in Stratford, but
making Golden Hill the place of residence for all of them.
The first deedl is a quitclaim of a
large part of the original town of Fairfield, and is given by Pequannock
Indians in 1656, nearly seventeen years after Mr. Ludlowe took possession of
the territory. In this deed they reserve the " propriety " or
ownership of the Indian field, which they, being at Fairfield say, " is a
small neck of land on y" other side of ye creeke ;" meaning Uncowav
creek as elsewhere explained. That was the neck where the Gentlemen's Trotting
Park is now located, the original field extending northward some distance from
the present park. At the time the deed was given they were about to build a
fort, and the only consideration that they received at the time, apparently,
was an agreement on the part of the English to " draw the stuffe,"
with which to build this fort, but this may have taken time sufficient to
balance quite a sum of money. Whether there had been a fort there or anywhere
within Fairfield bounds is not stated, but a fort was at some time here, for in
1752, in giving the bounds of the Stratfield Society at this place, they say,
" which said cove heads or terminates at or near the place called the Old
Fort.'"
1 Fairfield Indian Deed. dated March 20, f6f6.
" Whereas several
Indians have made claim to much of y' land y' ye Town of Fairfield have and do
possess, ye Town of Fairfield having taken ye matter into consideration,
ordered and appointed Alexander Knowles, Henry Jackson, Francis Purdy with
several others to treat with Poquanuck Indians concerning and upon y' treaty
with those Indians whose names are under written in y* behalf of all y*
Pequannock Indians they have agreed as followeth :
" First they owne y' ye land y' ye Town is built upon
from j% Creeke y' ye tide mill of Fairfield southwestward Is called Sasqua
which they owne has been purchased* from ye Indians and is now y* English land.
"2. Secondly y* sd. Indians have acknowledged,
consented to and granted y' all that tract of land which they call Uncoway and
which is from y' above sd Creek eastward unto ye bounds between Fairfield and
Stratford, from y* See to run into y* country seven or eight miles, for y*
future it shall be y* land and propriety of y inhabitants of y* Town of
Fairfield, giving and granting to ye sd Town all ye above sd tract of land
called Uncoway with all creeks rivers etc. . . . . only it is to be noticed
that the field which y' Indians now possess called y* Indian f1eld, which is a
small neck of land on y' other side of y* creeke is excepted, y* Indians still
keeping their propriety in that small neck or field, Ye Indians are to have y*
privilege of killing deer within y* nhovcs1' tract of land, only they are not
to set any traps within y* sd tract of land.
In witness, 20th March, 1656.
" Whereas ye above said land is granted to ye Town of
Fairfield by ye sd Indians: We also manifest our respect unto them y' wee doe
engage upon sufficient warning to cart their stuff for them to erect and build
a fort yr. Upon this consideration y sd Indians have acknowledged y* abovesd
grant.
Umpeter Noset, marke. Nimrod or Pocunnoc, marke.
Matamuck, marke. Anthonyes, alias Lotashun, marke.
Weshun, marke."
* " Purchased," means obtained, for in a later
deed where all previous deeds are referred to, this one 1s the first mentioned.
Another deed' of the same date—March
20, 1656—was given for " land commonly called Sasqua, lying west of Sasqua
swamp, or on the west side of the present Mill River; Musquat, the first name
on this deed, is the same as that on a deed in Stratford in 1671.
The third deed4 was given to cover this same territory or a
part of it because the Indians at Norwalk claimed an interest in it.
1 Col. Rec., x, 147.
* Second Indian D1ed in Fairjttld. dale March ao, 1656.
" This was a deed of " land commonly called
Susqua, . . . bounded on y* northeast with y* land called Uncaway, on y*
southwest with ye land at Maximus, ye
line on ye southwest runs close to ye English farms at
Maximus from the
sea Straight up into ye country six miles at y"
least."
Musquatt, his mark. Santamartous poppoos, his mark.
Taspee, his mark. Willecon, his mark.
Ponuncamo, his mark. James, alias Watusewa
Cramkeago's Squaw, satum, his mark.
Selamartous' Sister Wompegan, his mark.
Wissashoes, her mark.
The following signed October id, 1679.
Creconoe's mark. Chickens' mark."
Indian Witnesses.
Nimrod's mark. Antony's mark."
4 Fairfield Indian Deed of Land claimed by Indians of
Norwalk, in which it is said " Susqua did run west as far as Muddy
Creek." Dated April I1, 1661.
Momechemen, mark. Wenam, mark.
Tolpee, mark. Quanumsooe, mark.
Aucan, mark. Panoucamus, mark.
Maskot, mark. James, marke."
Indian Witnesses.
Mamachlm's mark. Weenam's mark."
The next deed* here
noticed—for the deed given in 1670 has not been seen—was given for claims,
again, on the whole township, and a large part of it is given in the note to
show the inside track of the business of buying lands of the Indians, and also
because it was the final one, except for reservations, for the southern part of
the township.
The interpreter in
these sales was John Minor of Stratford, and several of these deeds are
recorded on Fairfield book in John Minor's handwriting,
but testified to by Fairfield town clerk.
1 Fairfield Indian Deed. quitclaim, dale October
6,'1680.
" Know all men by these presents y'
whereas y" towne of Fairfield hath formerly bought of y' true Indian
proprietors all ye lands contained within their township bounds which is seven
miles broad upon ye sea coast and from ye sea at least twelve miles into ye
country to y* northward of their bounds, bounded on y* east with y* sd. Town
bounds as y' Court hath settled, on ye west with ye town bounds of Norwake,
also Compaw Neck from ye old road to Norwake to Sagatuck River on ye west, and
to ye sea on ye south, for which lands ye Indian proprietors have given ye sd
Towne severall bills of sale—one bill bearing date 20th March, 1656, another
bill dated 21 March, 16$f. ye 3d bill bearing date ye 191h Jan., 1670. by all
which bills of sale ye above lands are made over to ye Towne, Yet for ye
maintenance of love and peace between ye sd Towne and us ye Indians yl wee may prevent trouble, y' neither we nor our heirs
nor successors shall make
any further claims Wo the surviving Indians,
inhabitants of Poquanock,
Uncoway, Susqua and Aspctuck do covenant, etc
for a valuable consideration do alienate, etc [In this deed the old Indian
field was still reserved.]
Witness this 6th day of October, 1680.
John Minor, ) „,
, , c-, , ' Witnesses and Interpreter.
John Sherwood, )
his mark. Panumset, his mark.
his mark. Pupurah, his mark.
his mark. Mamarashock, his mark. .
her mark. Nausouate, his mark.
his mark. Sasqua James, his mark.
his mark. Nusenpawes, his mark.
his mark. Creconoe, his mark.
his mark. Norwake James, his mark.
his mark. Capt. Witree, his mark.
his mark. Iletorow, his mark.
his mark. Nasacoe, his mark.
his mark. Quatiart, his mark,
his marke. Siacus, his mark." October
13, 1660, the following names were added.
" Hassahan, marke. Wampum, marke.
Miltacke, marke. Warenet, marke.
Womsoncowe, marke. Choromoke, marke. .
Chickins, marke."
Old Anthony,
Nimrod,
Woywegun Nasque,
Yeerusqua,
Washannaesuck,
Koewop,
Cooreco,
Weequombe,
Poueri,
Youyowwhy,
Patchcock,
Sasapequun,
Aquonke,
On this last deed are
many names, some of which we find on Stratford deeds, and also on deeds given
some years later further up the Housatonic river. Old Anthony, whose Indian
name was Lotashun, was, we imagine, a noble old Indian, and really very old.
Nimrod, whose Indian name was Pocunnoe, had been prosecuted thirty years before
for killing a Mr. Buttler's hogs, being then a prominent man, and must have
been' quite old, and he it was who had his wigwam, on the eastern part of the
Golden Hill reservation, and after whom the lot was named, and known many
years, near where the Bridgeport Gas Works now stand, and in his honor also was
named a steamboat sailing from Bridgeport nearly two hundred years after
Pocunnoe was named Nimrod. Quite a number of these names with variations of
spelling are to be seen several times in other deeds hereafter noticed.
Only one year after
the date of the last deed the Pequannock Indians prevailed with Fairfield men
to buy their old field near Uncoway creek, although the Fairfield people urged
them to keep it, as the bill of sale says, and on the 18th of May, 1681, the
deed was signed ; the deed saying, "the Old Indian field on ye east side
of Uncoway River.'"
It is conclusive from
the few names attached to this deed that quite many of
the natives had removed, and we find also that during the previous year the
Paugassett chief petitioned the General Court for more land to plant, and in
October the Court ordered, and the reservation called Coram was devoted to
their use. so that probably about this time a considerable emigration occurred
to Pootatuck in Huntington, Pomperaug on the Housatonic and to Pootatuck in
Newtown.
* Fairfield Indian Deed for the Indian
field. dated May /<?, 16S1.
" This sale we have made for a valuable consideration."
Mamerushee Umperenoset's Cape, his mark,
son, mark. Sowwahose squaw, her mark.
Ponees, his mark. Naushuta's squaw, her mark.
Old Anthony, his mark. Nassansumk Young,
Washaganoset, his mark. Anthony's son, his
mark.
Wissawahem squaw, her mark. Choraromokes, his
mark."
" Indian Witnesses.
Sasqua James, his mark. Runsh squa, her mark.
Crovecoe, his mark. Pascoe, his mark.
Rorocway, his mark.
"Trushee an Indian who speaks very good
English" was employed by both parties and signed this deed.
Trushee's mark."
Several other Indian
deeds are recorded on Fairfield books; one of a piece of land called Wolf Pit
Neck, in the southeast part of the town joining Stratford line, dated February
12, 1685, and sold to Fairfield town.'
This deed and several
others are signed by John Burr as Commissioner, and since it was unlawful for
any persons or towns to purchase lands of the Indians without an order from the
General Court, probably he was appointed to act in that capacity, and hence may
have effected the purchase under the great oak tree, as tradition has reported,
on the plain about a mile west of the wigwams at the foot of Golden Hill and in
the northern part of the old open field.
This was a grand
ancient tree, celebrated as such for the last two hundred years, but like all
the lords of this earth, it had its day when it flourished and extended its
branches to a great distance, and then came the processes of decay which were
in operation probably more than one hundred years before the great monarch
bowed his proud head and yielded to inevitable fate. It had attained to about
six feet in diameter two feet above ground, and by actual count of the layers
of wood so far as decay would permit, it must have attained to about four
hundred years of age ; when in a strong easterly storri1
in the spring of 1884, it was blown down, and " great was the fall of
it," and then by the fiat of the worldrenowned showman* whose tender
mercies and great respect for old age allowed it standing room in a most
beautiful field for a number of years, although unfruitful, it was hewn in
pieces and disappeared forever.
' Fairfield Indian Died dated Feb. 13,
f6Sf.
"We Indians sell . . . for a valuable
consideration ... a neck of land called Wolf Pitt Neck ... on Stratford bounding
line on ye northeast, on ye other sides with ye land of ye inhabitants of
Fairfield
The mark of Penomscot. The mark of Matamhe.
Cheroramag. his mark. The mark of Kahaco.
The mark of Asoraimpom. The mark of
Shaganoset.
The markof Machoka. acunk's Daughter. The
mark of Old Anthony.
The mark of Pony. The mark of Matamhe.
The mark of Pascog, Interpreter."
It is probable, that
this celebrated ceremony took place under the branches of this great spreading
oak, when the old Indian field was sold, which occurred in the balmy weather of
spring on the 18th of May, 1681, just two hundred and three years before it
fell by the strong winds from the great sea. Col. John Burr who held the
council with the Indians and his descendants, owned the land on which this tree
stood nearly two hundred years, their dwelling standing but a little distance
from it. Miss Polly Burr, the last owner in the family name died in 1874, but
had sold it to Hon. P. T. Barnum previous to her decease.
Another deed* was
signed by the Indians fora highway through their reservation on Golden Hill in
June, 1686, which was very nearly what is now Washington avenue, and this
highway was for the convenience of the English and Indians. There were residing
here then several English families, John Beardsley, Samuel Gregory, Henry
Summers and others, on and near the old division line between Fairfield and
Stratford, which was afterwards called Division street, and now Park avenue.
The next spring (in
1687) the General Court ordered the old King's highway laid out from Stratford
to Fairfield, which highway, after nearly two hundred years, was so unfortunate
as to have its name changed to the insignificant name of
North avenue, thereby losing all its ancient renown' and honor.
'The Hon. P. T. Barnum.
Fairficld Indian Deed for highway, dated June
8, 1686.
" A highway from the highway between
Fairfield and Stratford [now Park
avenue] into the Indian field called Golden
Hill, near where the path
lieth from Samuel Gregory's across the Indian
field that goeth toward Stratford."
John Beardsley.
Wowompon, his mark. Pascob, his mark.
Panomscot, his mark. Pany, his mark.
Slacus, his mark. Robin, his mark.
Two other deeds are
recorded on the Fairfield book ; one of land " called Umpawage lying
westward from Fairfield in the wilderness;" the other" " a piece
of land about eighteen or twenty miles from the town of Fairfield ... to the
westward of north Fairfield in the woods, called Ompaquag, a mile square."
All the Indians signing these deeds were probably of the Pequannock tribe, and
the last witness to this last deed—Cashesamay—was the Sachem at Pootatuck
(Shelton) and afterwards at Newtown.
Trouble with the
Indians.
The Indians made much
trouble and brought many difficulties to the English settlers of Connecticut.
The expenditures by the latter to defend themselves from the hostilities and
trespasses of the former were more than a fair or proper value of the land as
it was purchased from time to time until it was all secured by honorable deeds.
There were two wars between the.English and Indians in Connecticut; the one in
1637, and the other in 1675 and 1676, and both, under the circumstances then
existing, were great wars with heavy expend
10 Fairfield Indian Deed dated Dec. 29,
1686.
" This land is by estimation about two miles
square, northwest bounds is by
Sagatuck River which runeth by the path that
goeth from Paquiag the
English plantateon."
Nanascrow, his mark. , Mattake, his mark.
Crekano, his mark. Mamorussuck, his mark.
Tontasonahas, his mark. Washogenoset, his
mark.
Womumkaway, his mark. Aquetwake, his mark.
Taquoshe, his mark.
" Indian Witnesses.
Sasco James, his mark. Panomscot, his mark.
Roben, his mark. Messhawmish, his mark."
" Fairfield Indian Deed dated Sept.
12, 1687.
" A parcel of land in Connecticut called
Ompaquag, it being a mile square." Monaquitarah, Sen., his mark.
Wamouncaway, his mark.
Nathascon, his mark. Wukerowam, his mark.
" Indian Witnesses.
Mamoroset. Sagawin. his mark. Robben, his
mark.
"Wanachecompum, his mark. Cashesamay,
Sachem, his mark."
itures and terrible
consequences. The first of these was the Pequot war which began in May, 1637,
and closed in June the same year in a swamp near what is now the village of
Southport, in the town of Fairfield. The attack on the fort of the Pequots was
made by Capt. John Mason and his ninety men about day-break in the morning of
June 5th, and a great victory was gained, resulting in the killing of many of
the Indians, and the remainder fleeing westward in great haste. These were
pursued by the soldiers, crossing the Connecticut river and continuing along
the shore of the Sound. At New Haven a number of Indians were killed in a
skirmish or battle, and the same in Stratford where the fugitives were joined
by the Pequannock Indians; and finally the flying Indians took refuge in a
swamp, now located a little north of the village of Southport, where they were
surrounded, and after hard fighting some escaped with their lives.
At this time some
hostages were taken of the Pequannock Indians and some of their women were sold
to servitude in Connecticut and Massachusetts. The Pequot and Pequannock women
and children taken in this war numbering two hundred" were all devoted to
slavery for life, being distributed, probably, sold by the governments of
Connecticut and Massachusetts to pay expenses of the war, to the inhabitants
of-these commonwealths, and many of them, especially the male children,
according to Governor Winthrop," were sold as slaves at the Bermuda
Islands. This Pequot war was a savage war on the part of the English and
produced terrible results. The historians have apparently nearly always avoided
the full particulars and the disgrace of its barbarity. Even Dr. Trumbull
either was ignorant of the aggravating facts or passed over them too lightly
for a historian of high integrity. The slaughter of so many Indians—six or
seven hundred—besides those assigned to slavery, produced on the minds of those
who remained in the tribes, savages though they were, a terrible fear, a
shudder of horror, but the reaction in their minds was an almost insatiable
thirst for revenge, and this the colonists understood, and so dreaded that it
is apparent on almost every movement they made for
self-protection, for fifty years, and the Narraganset, or King Phillip's War,
was planned and carried on by the Indians with double secrecy and energy by the
remembrance of this Pequot slaughter, for without it King Phillip could never
have formed the combination of tribes which he did. Also from the day the
Pequots were slain the western Connecticut Indians had no faith in the white
man's religion. Think of itl There were at the time in the Housatonic valley,
from Long Island Sound northward, between two and three thousand docile,
friendly Indians, but a dozen reported conversions to Christianity were not
made until the Moravian Missionaries came to Scatacook in 1743, and yet these
natives mingled freely and in scores of cases, familiarly with the white
settlers during all these one hundred years.
15 Morton, 114. 11
Ibid, 113.
As has been stated,
the colonists dreaded and expected retaliation. Several times during the next
seventy-five years it was rumored, with no foundation for the rumor but the
fears of the whites or the threats of a few irritated natives, that the Indians
of Fairficld county had joined with the Mohawks in a war of extermination ; and
the General Court sent out companies of soldiers, into Fairfield and Litchfield
counties, to detect, and resist such a combination, even as late as 1724. As
late as during the French and Indian wa'rs in 1758, this dread and expectation
were still cherished and acted upon all along the western boundaries of
Connecticut.
The destruction of the
Pequots was ended in the town of Fairfield, and the Pequannocks were allies and
joined in the fight against the whites, thus connecting Stratford and Fairfield
with that war.
The causes which have
been set forth by Dr. Trumbull for this war were entirely inadequate to the
terrible massacre of seven or eight hundred men, women and children, even in an
Indian fort, and the enslaving of two hundred other women and children, and the
only excuse for the persons who did it lies in the fact that they had just
emigrated from England where such barbarity was the sentiment of the people, as
was clearly exhibited by that people in the -American Revolutionary War.
Until the year 1643,
following the Pequot war, theIndians were comparatively quiet and friendly, and
the General Court saw the need of making but lew restrictions and regulations
in regard to them, and what they did enact had as much, or more reference to
the conduct of the English than to the Indians, but in this year and several
following, the doings of the Indians in what is now Fairfield County were such
as to awaken great apprehension for the safety of the people.
Five plantations were
seriously in danger; Stratford, Fairfield, Norwalk, Stamford and Greenwich, but
the last of these was at the time under the jurisdiction of the New York
Governor. The settlers in each of these localities were not numerous, and they had
had but little time or means to make preparations against any Indian
hostilities. The settlement at Stratford had been in progress four years, that
of Fairfield,. four years, that of Norwalk, three, that of Stamford, two, and
that of Greenwich, three. The number of the Indians then within the five
plantations and their vicinities were, probably, four or five to every white
person, and they had all advantageous facilities for a complete massacre, or
destruction of the white people. The immediate cause for this disturbance was
the war between the Hudson River Indians and the Dutch at New York. Dr.
Trumbull" gives the following account of the origin of this Indian and
Dutch War:
" The war between
the Dutch and Indians began in this manner. A drunken Indian, in his
intoxication, killed a Dutchman. The Dutch demanded the murderer, but he was
not to be found. They then made application to their governor to avenge the
murderer. He, judging it would be unjust or unsafe, considering the numbers of
the Indians, and the weak and scattered state of the Dutch settlements,
neglected to comply with their repeated solicitations. In the mean time the
Mohawks, as the report was, excited by the Dutch, fell suddenly on the Indians,
in the vicinity of the Dutch settlements and killed nearly thiriy of them.
Others fled to the Dutch for protection. One Marine, a Dutch cap
14 Vol. i. 138.
tain, getting
intelligence of their state, made application to the Dutch Governor, and
obtained a commission to kill as many of them as it should be in his power.
Collecting a company of armed men, he fell suddenly upon the Indians, while
they were unapprehensive of danger, and made a promiscuous slaughter of men,
women and children, to tht number of seventy or eighty. This instantly roused
the Indians, in that part of the country, to a furious, obstinate and bloody
war.
" In the spring,
and beginning of the summer, they burnt the Dutch out-houses; and driving their
cattle into their barns, they burned the barns and cattle together. They killed
twenty or more of the Dutch people, and pressed so hard upon them that they
were obliged to take refuge in their fort, and to seek help of the English. The
Indians upon Long Island united in the war with those on the main, and burned
the Dutch houses and barns. The Dutch governor, in this situation, invited
captain Underhill from Stamford to assist him in the war. Marine, the Dutch
captain, was so exasperated with this proceeding that he presented his pistol
at the governor, and would have shot him, but was prevented by one who stood by
him. Upon this one of Marine's tenants discharged his musket at the governor,
and the ball but just missed him. The governor's sentinel shot the tenant and
killed him on the spot. The Dutch, who at first were so forward for a war with
the Indians, were now, when they experienced the loss and dangers of it, so
irritated at the governor, for the orders which he had given, that he could not
trust himself among them. He was obliged to keep a constant guard of fifty
Englishmen about his person. In the summer and fall the Indians killed fifteen
more of the Dutch people, and drove in all the inhabitants of the English and
Dutch settlements west of Stamford.
" In the
prosecution of their works of destruction, they made a visit to the neighborhood
where Mrs. Hutchinson, who had been so famous, at Boston, for her Antinomian
and familistical tenets, had made a settlement. The Indians, at first, appeared
with the same friendship with which they used to frequent her house; but they
murdered her and all her family, Mr. Collins her
son-in-law, and several other persons belonging to other families in the
neighborhood. Eighteen persons were killed in the whole. The Indians, with an
implacable fury, prosecuted the destruction of the Dutch, and of their
property, in all that part of the country. They killed and burned their cattle,
horses and barns without resistance. Their case was truly distressing."
Notwithstanding these
calamitous circumstances the governor and Court at New Haven felt that they
were not at liberty to go to the relief of the Dutch with an armed force until
consultation could be had with the Commissioners of the other colonies.
" The war was
continued several years, and was bloody and destructive both to the Dutch and
Indians. Captain Underhill had the principal management of it, and was of great
service to the Dutch. He collected a flying army of a hundred and fifty men,
English and Dutch, by which he preserved the Dutch settlements from total
destruction. It was supposed, that, upon Long Island and on the main, he killed
between four and five hundred Indians.
" The Indians at
Stamford too much caught the spirit of the western Indians in their vicinity,
who were at war with the Dutch. They appeared so tumultuous and hostile, that the
people of Stamford were in great fear, that they should soon share the fate of
the settlements at the westward of them. They wrote to the general court at New
Haven, that in their apprehensions there were just grounds of a war with those
Indians, and that if their houses should be burned, because the other
plantations would not consent to war, they ought to bear the damage.
" At the same
time the Narraganset Indians were enraged at the death of their sachem. The
English were universally armed. The strictest watch and guard was kept in all
the plantations. In Connecticut, every family, in which there was a man capable
of bearing arms, was obliged to send one complete in arms, every Lord's day, to
defend the places of public worship. Indeed all places wore the aspect of a
general war.
" In the year of
1644 the Indians were no more" peaceable than they were the year before.
Those in the western part of Connecticut still conducted themselves in a
hostile manner. In the spring they murdered a man, belonging to Massachusetts,
between Fairfield and Stamford. About six or eight weeks after the murder was
discovered, the Indians promised to deliver the murderer, at Uncoway
[Fairfield], if Mr. Ludlow would appoint men to receive him. Mr. Ludlow sent
ten men for that purpose ; but as soon as the Indians came within sight of the
town, they, by general consent, unbound the prisoner and suffered him to
escape. The English were so exasperated at this insult that they immediately
seized on eight or ten of the Indians, and committed them to prison. There was
among them not less than one or two Sachems. Upon this, the Indians arose in
great numbers about the town, and exceedingly alarmed the people, both at
Fairfield and Stamford. Mr. Ludlow wrote to New Haven for advice. The court
desired him to keep the Indians in durance, and assured him of immediate
assistance, should it be necessary and desired ; and a party of twenty men were
draughted forthwith, and prepared to march to Stamford at the shortest notice.
The Indians were held in custody until four Sachems, in those parts, appeared
and interceded for them, promising that if.the English would release them, they
would, within a month, deliver the murderer to justice."
" Not more than a
month after their release, an Indian went boldly into the town of Stamford, and
made a murderous assault upon a woman, in her house. Finding no man at home, he
took a lathing hammer, and approached her as though he were about to put it
into her hand ; but, as she was stooping down to take her ch1ld from the
cradle, he struck her upon her head. She fell instantly with the blow ; he then
struck her twice, with the sharp part of the hammer, which penetrated her
skull. Supposing her to be dead, he plundered the house, and made his escape;
but soon after, the woman so far recovered, as to be able to describe the
Indian, and his manner of dress. Her wounds, which at first appeared to be mortal, were finally healed; but her brain was so affected
that she lost her reason.
'i N. H. Col. Rec., i. 134.
"At the same
time, the Indians rose in those parts, with the most tumultuous and hostile
appearances. They refused to come to the English, or to have any treaty with
them, and appeared in a very alarming manner about several of the plantations,
firing their pieces, and exceedingly terrifying the inhabitants. They deserted
their wigwams, and neglected to weed their corn. The English had intelligence
that the Indians designed to cut them off, and therefore many judged it unsafe
to travel by land, and some of the plantations were obliged to keep a strong
guard and watch, night and day. And as they had not numbers sufficient to
defend themselves, they made application to Hartford and New Haven for
assistance, and they both sent aid to the weaker parts of their respective
colonies. New Haven sent help to Fairfield and Stamford, .as they were much
nearer to them than to Connecticut.
" After a great
deal of alarm and trouble, the Indian who had attempted the murder of the
woman, was delivered up and condemned to death, and was executed at New Haven.
The executioner cut off. his head with a falchion, but it was cruelly done. He
gave the Indian eight blows before he effected the execution ; yet the Indian
sat erect and motionless, until his head was severed from his body.""
" The Indians
this year were almost everywhere troublesome, and in some places in a state of
high hostility. In Virginia they rose and made a most horrible massacre of the
English. The Narragansets, regardless of all their convenants with the English
and with Uncas, continued in such hostilities that a party of soldiers were
sent to preserve the peace and security of the people."
Under such
circumstances these small plantations on the shore of the Sound, now within
Fairfield county, made but slow progress. Greenwich was nearly, if not
entirely, deserted, and but for Captain Underhill, Stamford, Norwalk,
" See Records of
the Colonies, and Winthrop's Journal, p. 352.
Fairfield and
Stratford must have been given up for a time. And as it was, what a living
death it must have been to remain steadfast and not desert the localities.
Every family that could raise a soldier as a watchman, must bring him forth, if
it was the last and only man in the family. What sleepless nights in those
homes; what anxiety if a member of a family, being out at work, did not return
home at the expected or appointed time. What a war-like appearance was
witnessed every " Lord's day " at the meeting-house, with one soldier
from every family, armed and equipped with. a gun and sword, and all possible
war implements.
The cost of this
Indian war to the seven plantations along the Sound was sufficient to have
purchased, established, and perpetuated a separate plantation, if there had
been noIndians. The court at New Haven assessed fines almost weekly, on persons
who were found delinquent in watchingat their posts, or insufficiently provided
with arms or ammunition, as the following items from the New Haven records most
fully show. At a Court holden March 7, 1643:
Matthew Hitchcock, for
a willful neglect to walk the round when the officers called him, was fined 5*.
James Haward, Joseph
Thompson, William Bassett, Anthony Thompson, David Evance, Samuel Wilson and
Samuel Haskins, [were] fined, each man, 6a
" for foole guns."
"Thomas Yale and
Jonathan Marsh for. the same, 6d a piece.
" Richard Perry
and his 2 men, William Gibbard and; James Stewart and William Ball, for late
coming fined each. man I".
" Roger Knapp,
defective, all except gun, fined 5'.
" Brother Lamson,
defective gun, fined 4*.
"Thomas
Higginson, James Stewart and James Haward, defective belt, fined 6d.
" Mr. Eaton's 3
men, Thomas Higinson and his man, for coming without arms on the Lord's day,
fined each man 2".
" Matthew
Crowder, Thomas Caffins, Theodore Higgin son, James Stewart, Thomas Meaks,
Isaac Whitehead, Matthew Row, Richard Mansfield, Thomas lies, Lawrence Wade ^
John Hill, John Cooper, Jarvice Boykin, and Mr. Eaton's.
3 men, fined each man 6d, for late coming to the meeting with their arms, Feb. 18,
1643.
" It was ordered
that the 2d drum shall be the period of the
soldiers coming on the Lord's day.
" Court holden,
May 1, 1644.
Brother Perry, being
master of a watch and willfully neglecting it, was fined 40'.
" Matthew Row,
for sitting down to sleep when he should have stood sentinel, was fined 5*.
Brother Nichols, brother Gibberl, Richard Webb, Thomas Wheeler, Henry Lendell
and William Bassctt, fined each man i* for late coming on the Lord's day with
their arms."
Court held June 5,
1644.
" John Chapman
being master of a watch and neglecting it, was fined 10'.
" Mr. Gilbert's
man, being absent at his watch, was fined 5'. ."
" George
Larrymore for neglecting his watch, fmed 2'6A."
Court held at New
Haven June 23, 1644.
"It was ordered
that the night watches be carefully attended, and the ward of the Sabbath days
be dilligently observed, and that every one of the trainband bring their arms
to the meeting every Lord's day; also that the great guns be put in readiness
for service; also that the drum be beaten every morning by break of day, and at
the setting of the sun.
" It was ordered
that every Lord's day 2 men shall go Avith every heard of cattle, with their
arms fitted for service <until these dangers be over.
" It was ordered
that the farmers shall be freed from watching at the town while there is need
of watch at the farms, provided they keep a dilligent watch there."
New Haven and Milford
were much less exposed to the hostilities of the Indians than the plantations
west of them, and if they needed so great diligence and strictness, how much
more must have been needed by the others?
The troubles resulting
from the Dutch and Indian war quieted down to a considerable extent, after
three or four years, but the Indians of Fairfield County
continued to indicate hostile feelings, and committed various depredations, and
some acts of personal violence. In 1649, this spirit became so threatening, in
connection with a murder committed by an Indian, that the General Court felt
compelled to take definite action," and did in effect declare war against
them, but by a committee consisting of Mr. Ludlow and Mr. Talcott, the matter
was quieted and a siege of war avoided.
During all these
efforts for peace and safety, great pains were taken to keep the Indians from
obtaining guns and ammunition, or means for making war upon the English. In
securing obedience to these regulations they had occasion to pass a somewhat
unusual sentence in 1648, upon David Provost, a Dutchman, that if he repeated
the offence he should be "shipped for Ireland and sent to the
Parliament.""
Again in 1652, fears
concerning the Indians were aroused anew, in consequence of the declaration of
war between England and Holland, and it was expected that the war would be
extended to America and assume serious proportions between New England and the
Dutch at New Amsterdam, but after great preparations by the colonies, the war
closed without any serious collisions here, between the whites, or damages done
by the Indians.
""This
Courte taking into serious consideration what may be done according to God in way
of revenge of the bloude of John Whittmore, late of Stanford, and well
weighing all circumstances, together with the carriages of the Indians
(bordering thereupon) in and about the premises, do declare themselves that
they do judge it lawful and according to God to make war upon them.
"This Courte
desires Mr. Deputy, Mr. Ludlow and Mr. Taylecoate [Talcott]. to ride to-morrow
to New Haven, and confer with Mr. Eaton and the rest of the magistrates there
about sending out against the Indians, and to make return of their
apprehensions with what convenient speed they may."
General Court, May,
1648.
""Whereas,
David Provost and other Dutchmen (as the Court is informed), hare sould powder
and shotte to Several Indeans, against the express Lawes both of the Inglishe
and Dutch, It is now Ordered, that if upon examination of witnesses the said
defaulte shall fully appeare, the penalty of the lawes of this Commonwealth
shallbe laid upon such as shallbe found guilty of such transgression, the which
if such delinquents shall not subject unto them shall be shipped for Ingland
and sent to the Parliament." Col. Rec., i. 163.
"May 1707 This
Assembly judgeth it expedient that the Indian murderer in durance at Fairfield
shall and may be returned to the Indians, that so the Indians may have the
opportunity to execute on him as they shall determine.""
It is a matter of
conjecture that this Indian was hung at a place called Gallows Hill, in the
southwestern part of the present town of New Milford, for such an occurrence
took place there, probably, bv which the name is found there when that town was
first settled about 1710.
The Golden Hill Indian
Fund.
In 1802 on the
petition of Tom Sherman, Eunice Sherman and others of the Golden Hill Indians,
the State appointed an agent or overseer to administer their affairs. Abraham
Y. De Witt held this office first, and after him were Josiah Lacey, Elijah
Burritt, Smith Tweedy, Daniel O. Wheeler, Dwight Morris and Russell Tomlinson,
the present incumbent.
Besides the dwelling
and land at Nichols Farms now occupied by William Sherman, the Golden Hill fund
amounts to about three hundred dollars.
The Samp Mortar Rock is a peculiarity and
mystery. It is located about three miles north of Fairfield village, in the
town of Fairfield, and is so called, or was so named because it was supposed
that the Indians ground their corn in it. It is on the very verge of
overhanging rocks of about fifty or sixty feet in height, and consists of a
cavity in the top of the rock about thirteen inches in diameter and ten in
depth, and has been pronounced by the younger Professor Dana, of Yale College,
who has seen it, a " Pot-hole " or cavity worn there by the action of
water and small cobble stones at some period far back in the ages. The rocky
ridge on which it is located is of several miles in extent, and has been a
place of frequent resort for pic-nics and visiting parties for many years. The
locality forbids the idea of its being constructed there by the Indians and it
is seemingly equally unreasonable that it should have been made where it is by
the action of water, even were
" Col. Rec., v.
28.
the valleys around it
filled. It is a curiosity. There is no evidence that the Indians had any
encampment of consequence, nearer than three miles from it.
A Powwow or Medicine
Camp.
A few years after the
New York and New Haven railroad was completed, or about twenty-five years ago,
Mr. Thomas B. Fairchild of Stratford saw a number of stone posts standing like
hitching posts on a line with the sidewalk in front of the premises of Mr.
William Tuttle, near the lower wharf in Stratford village, and the novelty and
peculiar appearance of them attracted his attention. Mr. Tuttle had set them, a
few years previous, and left the place, and all that could be learned as to
them by careful inquiry was that they were dug up in making the railroad
between Stratford and Bridgeport, and Mr. Tuttle had brought them to his home
and placed them along the sidewalk as hitching posts and novel ornaments. Thus
the matter passed some years, but Mr. Fairchild, whose business was in
Bridgeport, while in a state of mysterious inquiry as to these stones,
frequently looked along the road, to ascertain, if possible, where they were
found, and to learn who made them and for what purpose. About two years since,
with increasing inquiry as to these posts, while passing along the road near
Pembroke Pond where some men were excavating by the railroad bank to lay some
pipe to secure fresh water for the Holmes and Edward's Silver Works, in West
Stratford, he saw one of these posts, but wondered why it should be at that
place as constituting a part of the railroad embankment. On meeting a cartman
employed at the Cartridge Works, he pointed out the post and requested him to
bring it in the cart to the office, for it was a peculiar stone and he wanted
to preserve it. Upon which Mr. Bernard Judge said, " Don't I know all
about the posts, and how this post got where it is ? Didn't I do the first work
that ever I did in America on the railroad at this very place a few rods east
of the iron bridge here in West Stratford? We dug out loads and loads of these
posts, and threw them into the mill pond on the brush and limbs and then heaped the dirt upon them. These posts lay in heapsf partly covered, or under the
ground, when we found them, and we talked about them a good deal, some saying
they were put there by the Indians."
The larger number of
these posts are nearly round, six and seven feet long, from seven to eight
inches in diameter; one that is nearly square, only the corners rounded, being
now in the possession of Mr. Thomas B. Fairchild, at Stratford, has a slot from
the top downwards about eight inches deep and half an inch wide, on the side,
as if to let in a wide band surrounding a sacred inclosure to keep out
intruders. One of these posts is much larger than any of the others, and is of
oval shape, from ten to twelve inches wide and about seven thick. Some are
broken in pieces, but probably the larger number of them are still under the
railroad bed. They were found on ground nearly level, at the foot of the hill,
near a large, fine spring of water, and were thrown together, or near each
other as if taken from their original positions and placed aside, to be out of
the way ; and are supposed to have been used to protect a powwow ground or a
medicine camp.
The following is a
description of a powwow place found among the Mandan Indians in Dakota
Territory, published recently in London, in the " North American
Indians:"
" In the centre
of the village Is an open space or public square, 150 feet In diameter and
circular in form, which is used for all public games and festivals, shows and
exhibitions. The lodges around this open space fronts in, with their doors
toward the centre ; and in the middle of this stands an object of great
religious veneration, on account of the importance it has in connection with
the annual religious ceremonies. This object is in the form of a large
hogshead, some eight or ten feet high, made of planks and hoops, containing within
it some of their choicest mysteries or medicines. They call it the Big
Canoe."—Atlantis, by Ignatius Donnelly, 1n.
In the present town of
Stratford there are but few relics of the natives to be seen, except quantities
of oyster and clam shells in three localities. At the edge of the marsh west of
the Lordship farm and a hundred rods north of the dwelling on that farm, is
still a quantity of clam shells probably left there by the Indians, but it is
not extensive. At a small fresh water pond on the northern part of the Lordship
farm on the north side of the pound the oyster shells, many of large size, are in considerable quantities. They are largely covered
by the soil but are in some places nearly two feet deep. On the east side of
the great neck in several places are beds of oyster shells left by the Indians,
which indicate a long occupation of the region in order to make the
accumulations.
In some historical
notes by Major W. B. Hinks, published in 1871, the following note is found :
"Several interesting relics of the Indians were discovered in Stratford a
few years since by the Rev. B. L. Swan. They consisted of a fire-place, and
mortar for grinding corn, excavated in a ledge of rock near the house recently
occupied by Mr. William Strong, which was built on the site of an ancient inn,
kept during and before the Revolutionary War by George Benjamin. The fire-place
was a semi-cylindrical upright hollow in the rock, several feet in height, from
the top of which a pot could be suspended by a cross bar. Below it was the
mortar with a rounded stone peslle, as large as a man's head, still lying in
it. Unfortunately these relics were destroyed before measures could be taken
for their preservation.
"Arrow heads in
considerable numbers have also been found at the foot of another ledge a little
west of the town on the lower road to Bridgeport, and it is believed that this
was the place of their manufacture."
Indian Burying Places.
In three places have
Indian skeletons been exhumed in considerable numbers within the territory now
covered by the city of Bridgeport; one in or near what was the old Nimrod field
near the present Gas Works, one where the Prospect Street School building now
stands and the other on the bluff or hill as it was, South of State street and
east of Main. The one at the Gas Works was greatly disturbed when the railroad
was constructed, and quite a number of skeletons were taken out, but no
implements of any considerable amount were found, at least none are reported,
but this seems to have been the burial place for the Indians more largely after
the whites came here.
As to the place where
the Prospect Street School building now stands a paragraph from the Bridgeport Standard
for October 28, 1870, is given: "The frequent
finding of Indian bones and skulls in different places about the city suggests
the question whether Bridgeport may not have been at some remote period in the
past, one immense Indian hunting and burying ground. Every few days these bones
are being brought to light by excavation, and now we find by digging for the
new wing of the Prospect Street school house that the ground there was once
quite a large burying place. Some fifty graves have been exposed and a large
number of human bones and skulls are found buried a few feet below the surface.
In some instances these skull bones are perfect, the jaws with full sets of
teeth, being also found in sound condition. Tobacco pipes have been discovered
buried in the same graves, also a genuine Indian dinner pot, and other signs
and evidences that the bones of many aborigines have been for many long years
quietly resting there, are found. In each case the body was probably buried in
a sitting posture."
In the autumn of 1883,
Mr. L. B. Beers and Mr. Robert W. Curtis, of Stratford, were hunting for Indian
relics on the bank, near the mouth of the Housatonic river, when coming to a
place of clean loam ground Mr. Beers picked up a small piece of soapstone pot
or dish, and Mr. Curtis soon found another stone that had the appearance of
being worked out, but on examination it was thrown away as of no value. The
hunt being continued Mr. Curtis found a broken piece of spear head, and
directly Mr. Beers picked up a poll or head of a stone axe and called for the
piece that had been thrown away, which being secured fitted to,the head of the
axe perfectly. The idea then came to Mr. Curtis that Indians would be likely to
bury in light loamy earth, and that this place would be favorable in that
respect, and proposed to his fellow laborer to dig up the ground, and thereupon
went to work with his cane. Soon he struck something hard and dug it out with
his hands and found it to be a large spear head. After working a little time
longer Mr. Beers proposed to look elsewhere, but Mr. Curtis continued the work
and pride to a great
circle of its acquaintances as well as its descendants. Its situation, being
bounded toward the sunrising by the placid Housatonic, and on the south by the
ever charming Long Island Sound, was, and is, one of remarkable attractiveness,
and such as never to be forgotten by any of its wandering sons and daughters.
By the side of the great sea where the tide of the mighty ocean, ever obedient
to the nod of the queen of night, ceases not its life-giving toil, Stratford
sat down as a child in 1639, and thereafter grew towards maturer years. In
historic time, it is still young, but compared with many of its inland
neighbors it is truly old ; and, as the tale of its legends pass in review, the
ages will seem to have greatly multiplied, and its multitude of descendants
indefinitely extended from ocean to ocean.
Stratford village is
located on the Housatonic river about one and a half miles from Long Island
Sound, in Fairfield county, Connecticut, fourteen miles from New Haven and fifty-eight
miles from New York City. The original township, being twelve miles in length
north and south, and about seven'fmiles wide east and west, comprised most of
the territory now included in the five townships of Stratford, Bridgeport,
Huntington, Trumbull and Monroe; and in this history it is proposed to complete
the record of the whole of this territory, in uniform style, from the
commencement down to the present time, and as each town is organized out of the
old territory, to lay its history aside until the original township by name
shall have been completed, and then totake up again each of the new towns in
the order of the date of their organization, and thus complete the work.
The picturesqueness of
the locality is remarkable. The general slope of the land is towards the
Housatonic on the east and the Sound on the south, and the face of the country
is divided with small elevations of land, called hills, but scarcely equal to
the name, such" as Old Mill Hill, Toilsome
Hill, Chestnut Hill, Long Hill, Coram Hill, and the White' Hills; rising only
to such a height as to afford numerous sites for dwellings, in full view of
many miles of water1' scenery of the Sound and
landscape on Long Island beyond, and such as to guarantee a high degree of
health from the balmy breezes of the Atlantic and the
bracing, if not sometimes the biting winds from the hills at the west and
north. Great vigor of health, longevity of life, and beauty of locality, have
been characteristic of the region, until the lame thereof has reached from
ocean to ocean, and is likely never to grow less.
Stratford was the
seventh plantation settled within the present territory of Connecticut.
Windsor, Hartford and Wethersfield, the three first, were commenced in the
years 1635 and 6; Saybrook was commenced under John Winthrop, the younger, in
1635, although but few families had arrived there in 1636. Mr. Davenport's
company from London, with Mr. Pruden's, arrived at New Haven the middle of
April, 1638, and the next spring Mr. Pruden and his people who had remained all
winter at New Haven, settled at Milford ; and in the spring of 1639, a number
of families settled at Stratford, then known by the Indian name of Cupheag.
The right of soil and
manner of settlement. . '
The Patent" for
the territory of Connecticut, given by the Earl of Warwick in 1631, under King
Charles I., included "all that part of New England,
in America, which lies and extends itself from a river there called Narraganset
river, the space of forty leagues upon a straight line near the sea shore
towards the southwest, west and south, or west as the coast lieth towards
Virginia," and therefore covered more area than the present State of
Connecticut. President Clap of Yale College described it thus: " All that
part of New England which lies west from Narraganset river, a hundred and
twenty miles on the sea coast; and from thence in latitude and breadth
aforesaid to the sea, which grant extended from Point Judith to New York ; and
from thence in a west line to the South Sea: and if we take Narraganset river
in its whole length, this tract will extend as far as Worcester, and
comprehends the whole of the colony of Connecticut and much more."*
1 The frit Patent of Connecticut, given under King
Charles I.
"To all people, unto whom this present
writing Shall come, Robert, Earl of Warwick, sendeth greeting, in our Lord God
everlasting.
Know ye, that the said Robert, Earl of
Warwick, for divers good causes and considerations him thereunto moving, hath
given, granted, bargained, sold, enfeoffed, alienated, and confirmed, and by
these presents doth give, grant, bargain, sell, enfeoff, aliene, and confirm,
unto the right honorable William, Viscount Say and Seal, the right honorable
Robert, Lord Brook, the right honorable Lord Rich, and the honorable Charles
Fiennes, Esq., Sir Nathaniel Rich, Km.. Sir Richard Saltonstall, Km.. Richard
Knightly, Esq., John Pym, Esq., John Hampden, John Humphrey, Esq., and Herbert
Pelham, Esq., their heirs and assigns, and their associates forever, all that part
of New England, in America, which lies and extends itself from a river there
called Narraganset river, the space of forty leagues upon a straight line near
the sea shore towards the southwest, west and by south, or west as the coast
licth towards Virginia, accounting three English miles to the league ; and also
all and singular the lands and hereditaments whatsoever, lying and being within
the lands aforesaid, north and south in latitude and breadth, and length and
longitude of and within, all the breadth aforesaid, throughout the main lands
there, from the western ocean to the south sea, and all lands and grounds,
place and plnces, soil, wood, and woods. grounds, havens, ports, creeks and
rivers, waters, fishings, and hereditaments whatsoever, lying within the said
space, and every part and parcel thereof. And also all islands lying in America
aforesaid, in the said seas, or either of them, on the western coasts, or parts
of the said tracts of lands, by these presents mentioned to be given, granted,
bargained, sold, enfeoffed, aliened, and confirmed, and also all mines and
minerals, as well, royall mines of gold and silver, as other mines and
lrinerals, whatsoever, in the said land and premises, or any part thereof, and
also the several rivers within the said limits, by what name or names soever
called or known, and all jurisdictions, rights, and royalties, liberties,
freedoms, immunities, powers, privileges, franches, preeminences, and
commodities whatsoever, which the said Robert, Earl of Warwick, now hath or
had, or might use, exercise, or enjoy, in or within any part or parcel thereof,
excepting and reserving to his majesty, his heirs, and successors the fifth
part of all gold and silver ore, that shall be found within the said premises,
or any part or parcel thereof: To have and to hold the said part of New-England
in America, which lies and extends and is abutted as aforesaid. And the said
several rivers and every parcel thereof, and all the said islands, rivers,
ports, havens, waters, fishings, mines, minerals, jurisdictions, powers,
franchises, royalties, liberties, privileges, commodities, hereditaments and
premises, whatsoever with the appurtenances, unto the said William, Viscount
Say and Seal, Robert, Lord Brook, Robert, Lord Rich, Charles Fiennes, Sir
Nathaniel Rich, Sir Richard Saltonstall, Richard Knightly, John Pym, John
Hampden, John Humphrey and Herbert Pelham, their heirs and assigns and their
associates, to the only proper and absolute use and behoof of them the said
William, Viscount Say and Seal, Robert, Lord Brook, Robert, Lord Rich, Charles
Fiennes, Sir Nathaniel Rich, Sir Richard Saltonstall, Richard Knightly. John
Pym, John Hampden, John Humphrey and Herbert Pelham, their heirs and assignes,
and their associates for ever more. In witness whereof the said Robert Earl of
Warwick, hath hereunto set his hand and seal, the ninteenth day of March, in
the seventh year of the reign of our sovereign Lord Charles, by the Grace of
God, King of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, defender of the faith,
&c, Annoq. Domini, 1631. '
Signed, sealed, and
delivered, Robert Warwick."
in the presence of
Walter Williams
Thomas Howson
The title to this land
was given to the Earl of Warwick by the Plymouth Company of England. On "
the 3d of November, 1620, just before the arrival of Mr. Robbinson's people in
New England, King James I., by letters patent, under the great seal of England,
incorporated the Duke of Lenox, the Marquis of Buckingham and Hamilton, the
Earls of Arundel and Warwick, and others, to the number of forty noblemen,
knights and gentlemen, by the name 'of the Council established at Plymouth in
the county of Devon, for the planting, ruling and governing of New England in
America,'—'and granted unto them and their successors and assigns, all that
part of America, lying and being in breadth from forty degrees of north
latitude from the equinoctial line, to the fortyeighth degree of said northerly
latitude inclusively, and in length of and within all the breadth aforesaid,
throughout the main lands from sea to sea.' The patent ordained that this tract
of country should be called New England in America, and by that name have
continuance forever.'" In 1630, this Plymouth Company conveyed to the Earl
of Warwick the territory named in the Connecticut Patent, and which he sold, as
above, to the parties named in that Patent to the number of eleven persons.
When the companies
settled at Windsor and Hartford, they supposed they were within the
jurisdiction of the Massachusetts Bay company, but soon became aware of their
mistake, and on the arrival of the younger Governor Winthrop soon after to make
a settlement at Saybrook and to be governor of Connecticut one year, there was
talk of removing from Hartford, Windsor and Wethersfield, but finally the two
governments were united at Hartford.
It was in the latter
part of the year 1636 that trouble began between the
Pequots and the Connecticut settlements,, which resulted in the annihilation of
that tribe in June of the next year, and by which the English took the Pequot
country as conquered territory; and by which also they took possession in
March, 1638, of the country west of the Quirinipiac to the Hudson river, as
conquered country, in consequence of the Indians of this territory being allies
of the Pequots, and joining with them in the fight.
' Manuscripts of President Clap. Trumbull, p.
28.
4Trumbull, p. 20. .
Before giving proof of
the above statements some notice must be taken of the declarations of
historians, that the first planters at Stratford and Fairfield bought these
townships of the Indians, in favor of which there is scarcely a scrap of record
to be found, except in the publications hereafter mentioned.
,Dr. Trumbull, who was
a very careful collector of history—although he made a decided mistake this
once, at least —says:
" The whole
township [Stratford] was purchased of the natives; but first Cupheag and
Pughquonnuck only, where the settlements began."4
The settlement did not begin at Pequannock, within Stratford bounds, until
twenty years after that at Cupheag; besides, in the Colonial records the Indian
name Pequannuck was sometimes" applied in a general way to the settlement
at Cupheag, or Stratford village, but generally to the open country in
Fairfield adjoining Stratford line and including a part of Stratford territory
at that place. Of Fairfield he says: "The first adventures purchased a
large tract of land of the natives,"—which was, as will be seen, wholly
erroneous, so far as any records show.
Noah Webster, LL.D.,
in his History of the United States, printed in 1842, says:
" Mr. Ludlow, of
Windsor, who had traversed the lands west of Quinnipiac, in pursuit of the
Pequots in 1637, was so well pleased with their fertility, that he and a few
friends purchased a large tract at Unquoway, and began a settlement in 1639,
called Fairfield. In the same year a company of
* Dr. Trumbull, 1. no. Ibid., 109.
men from England and Massachusetts
purchased Cupheag and Poquonnoc, and began the town of Stratford."*
Mr. J. W. Barber and others have followed this same
erroneous supposition concerning the purchase of these plantations of the
Indians before 1659, for which there was never a scrap of record or an
authenticated tradition until these historians made them, as far as can be
ascertained. Every Indian deed of lands in Stratford bears a date of more than
twenty years later than the first settlement of the town and the deeds were
then made more as a mutual friendship act than for any other reason. The truth
is—and it only illustrates, that historians have too little time to bestow on
their work—that Dr. Trumbull and all the other writers wholly overlooked
certain papers recorded in the first volume of Stratford records, which give a
clear elucidation of this subject. Indeed, the Indian deeds of later years prove,
in their statements, that there were no purchases of these lands before 1656.
The plantations of Stratford and Fairfield were always under
the government of the Connecticut Colony and never under or connected with the
New Haven Colony. The cause securing this relation was the possession of this
territory by Connecticut and the direction given by that Colony in the
settlement of these localities. The claim to this territory was based on the
acquisition of it as conquered country, and, in addition, a treaty was made
with the Indians for the specific purpose of settlement. The evidence of these
facts is contained in several papers, made under oath, and recorded at
Stratford in 1659, twenty years after the whites first came, by which the Court
at Hartford decided that the lands then occupied by Stratford and Fairfield
rightly belonged to those towns.
These papers may be seen in full on pages 10 to 15 of this
book, as a part of the Indian history ; and as authority they are important
documents. These persons were : the Rev. John Higginson, a prominent minister
living at Guilford at the time, Thomas Stanton, of Hartford, Indian
interpreter,
Webster's Hist. U. S., 97.
Lieut. Thomas Wheeler, at first of
Fairfield but afterwardsof Millord, and John Minor, interpreter to the Indians
and for some years town clerk at Stratford before his removal to Woodbury. The
items given by these persons are the following. Mr. Edward Hopkins and Mr.
William Goodwin, then prominent men, were employed by the Court at Hartford to "
treat with the Indians in regard to the land from Quinnipiac to the
Manhattoes" (New York), and that Mr. Higginson accompanied them, as
interpreter : that after giving notice to, and inviting the sachems and
principal men of the tribes from Quinnipiac to the Hudson river, they met at
Norwalk in the last week in March in 1638 (really the beginning of the year
1638), not quite a year after the conquest of the Pequots, and after a day's
consultation in full council, all the tribes being well represented, the Indians
gave the land to the English, without consideration except the protection they
should thereby secure against other Indians. In this surrender they reserved
only their planting grounds, which were located at that time on the Pequannock
plain.
In these papers it is also claimed that the territory,
specially of Stratford and Fairfield, was conquered country, for the reason
that the tribes inhabiting it were tributary to the Pequots at the time, and
that they being led specially by the Pequannock tribe, which was the most
numerous, joined with the Pequots as they fled, the year previous, and aided
them in the battles or skirmishes at Quinnipiac, Cupheag, Pequannock and
Sashquaket swamp. It was claimed, and it is said that the Indians acknowledged,
that if the Pequot country was conquered territory and not to be paid for, so
also was that owned by those who joined them in the fight. Mr. Higginson states
that the object of this treaty was particularly to secure the land for future
settlements, and keep it from the possession of the Dutch ; and that a
deputation of Indians returned with the commissioners to Hartford and did
ratify the agreement with a meeting of the Court, held in Mr. Hooker's barn.
Mr. Nicholas Knell, a prominent planter at Stratford,
-confirmed the testimony of Mr. Higginson, and it is said that numbers of
persons would do the same, and that it was upon the right to the soil thus
obtained that the Connecticut Colony proceeded to induce settlers to locate
upon these lands, beginning in 1638, probably within two months after the
council held with the Indians at Norwalk.
The New Haven and Milford companies,
.not being aware of this acquisition by the cost of many lives, and the treaty,
took possession of the Quinnipiac lands about fifteen days after the treaty was
ratified, and afterwards purchased the same of the natives; but they were, as
appears from these papers, as to the right of the soil obtained from the
Indians, squatters on Connecticut territory. Also the planters at Norwalk,
Stamford and Greenwich, not being aware of the acquisition and treaty, and the
General Court not urging its claims, purchased their lands of the tribes living
at those places.
The Connecticut Court, however, proceeded at once to induce
settlers to establish themselves at Stratford and Fairfield, and probably
succeeded in directing a few families to locate in each place in the year 1638,
and several more in 1639.
On the 10th of October, 1639, Mr. Ludlow then residing at
Windsor, and being Deputy Governor, made a journey to New Haven and thence to
Pequannock and Unco way, where he located some cattle for the winter, and laid
out lots of land " for himself and others." Upon his return to
Hartford, there arose some misunderstanding as to what he had done, and the
Governor—Mr. Haynes—and Mr. Wells were appointed a commission to visit these
places, already inhabited by a number of settlers, under the following
directions:'
"They are desired to confer with the planters at
Pequannocke [Fairfield and Stratford], to give them the oath of fidelity, make
such free as they see fit, order them to send one or two deputies to the two
General Courts in September and April, and for deciding of differences and
controversies under 40" among them, to propound to them and give them
power to choose seven men from among themselves, with
Conn. Col. Records, 36.
liberty of appeal to the Court here;
and also to assign Sergeant Nichols for the present to train the men and
exercise them in military discipline ; and they are farther desired to speak
with Mr. Pruden and that Plantation, that the difference between them and
Pequannocke plantation [Stratford] may be peaceably decided, and to this end
that indifferent men may be chosen to judge who have most right to the places
in controversy and most need of them, and accordingly determined as shall be
most agreeable to equity and reason.'"
This act of the Court in October, 1639, to make freemen in
addition to some who already resided here, who should vote in the election of
representatives, was the legal recognition of these plantations as a part of
the Government of Connecticut; and the fulfillment of these orders constituted
the organization of the towns, but this was done only in part according to the
acceptance of the report of the Governor and Mr. Wells the following 16th of
January, 1639;' and the commission was renewed the next April (9, 1640), as
follows:
"It is ordered that Mr. Haynes, Mr. Ludlow and Mr.
Welles shall settle the division of the bounds betwixt Pequannocke and
Uncowaye, by the 24th day of June next, according to their former Commission:
And also that they tender the Oath of Fidelity to the Inhabitants of the said
Townes, and make such free as they shall approve of.1"
But before the date specified had arrived, namely, the 15th
of June, 1640, other persons were appointed to attend this work, as follows :
" It is Ordered, that Mr. Ludlow, Mr. Hopkins and Mr.
Blakeman shall survey and divide and set out the bounds betwixt the Plantations
of Cupheag and Uncoway, provided if they cannot accord, Mr. Welles at his next
coming to those parts shall issue it.""
1 Col. Rec. i. 36.
The year ending the 25th of March. 1639; bul j640 as we now
begin the year.
1 Conn. Col. Rec., 47.
10 Conn. Col. Records, 53.
In the order for April 9, 1640,
these plantations are called towns, indicating their standing as
incorporated parts of the government; and the same, with other items may be
seen in another order of the Court in June 15, 1640," when Mr. William
Hopkins of Cupheag is appointed and sworn as the first Magistrate of that
tow.n. On the 13th of April, 1643, it was " Ordered, that one or two of
the Magistrates shall be sent to Stratford and Uncoway, to join with Mr. Ludlow
for the execution of justice, twice this year, namely, the last Thursday in
April and the last in September. Captain Mason and Mr. Wells are appointed for
the last in April.""
Stratford does not appear to have sent representatives to
the General Court until 1642, when Philip Groves filled that position. The
taxes for Stratford and Fairfield were collected together as one plantation
until 1647, when they were ordered by the Court to be divided. Also their
courts were held jointly some years by magistrates appointed for the purpose.
The difficulty of ascertaining the date when Stratford was
made a town, with many other items as to its organization and first settlement,
is in consequence of the town records for ten of the first years having
disappeared. These records probably consisted of a volume or small book,
foolscap size, about half an inch thick, which was called " folio."
Not only were the plantations of Stratford and Fairfield
called towns in April, 1640, but they had freemen who no doubt voted in the
adoption of the first constitution, in January, 1638 (O. S.), they being a part
of the government at the time, and hence in no great hurry to effect an
organization of the town which would be burdensome to maintain; for dur
11 " Whereas by an Order the I4th of January 1638, none
is to be chosen a Magistrate but such as are propounded in some General Court
before, yet notwithstanding, as Cupheag and Uncowayaresomewhat far distant from
this Court, and there is a necessity for the dispensation of justice in those
Towns, therefore in the mean and until the next General Court of Election, that
it is thought meet and so ordered, that Mr. William Hopkins of Cupheag be a
Commissioner to join with Mr. Ludlow in all Executions in their particular
Court or otherwise, and is now sworn to that purpose." Col. Rec., 53.
l1 Col. Rec., 86.
ing several years after the
commencement of the settlement they seem to have been released from taxes, and
perhaps this is the reason why representatives were not sent earlier than they
were.
This first Constitution of Connecticut was a remarkable
paper, and ever will be a great honor to Roger Ludlow, then of Fairfield, who
drew it, as well as to the men who adopted it. The basis of this paper was an
independent republic, there being in it no reference to king or queen or
monarchy or any other government except itself, which is very remarkable when
remembering that all those who were then to act as freemen under it were just
come from a kingdom of remarkable dignity and renown.
Dr. Trumbull, in his History of Connecticut, remarks upon
this instrument as follows:
" This probably is one of the most free and happy
constitutions of civil government which has ever been formed. The formation of
it, at so early a period, when the light of liberty was wholly darkened in most
parts of the earth, and the rights of men were so little understood in others,
does great honor to their ability, integrity and love to mankind. To posterity
indeed, it exhibited a most benevolent regard. It has been continued, with
little alteration, to the present time [1818]. The happy consequences of it,
which, for more than a century and a half, the people of Connecticut have
experienced, are without description.""
A recent writer" has the following passage in regard to
this constitution as formulated by Mr. Ludlowe:
" The salient feature of Ludlowe's career, the grand
achievement of his life, was his large share in originating and putting into
practical operation the original laws of Connecticut. When, after the Pequot
war, the General Court met to decide upon a frame of government, he was
unanimously appointed to make the draft. Of this great paper it is not too much
to say, briefly, that in its immediate application and far-reaching results it
ranks with the best that have been formulated by the profoundest statesmen. It
was not perfect: Ludlowe was not a perfect legislator; but it approached so
near completeness that Dr. Leonard Bacon said of it: ' It is the first example
in history of a written Constitution—a distinct organic law, and defining its
powers.' "
l1 Trumbull, 103.
14 Mr. Wm. A. Beers, in Magazine of American History, April,
1882.
THE FIRST PLANTERS.
1639-1651.
EGINNING in a wilderness, bordering on. the great sea, a
settlement of English inhabitants, for the perpetuation of posterity under the
broad principles of religious freedom and uprightness, as well as an enlarged
perception of civil rights, was the honored privilege of the first planters of
Stratford. Admitting that their opinions of religious and civil liberty were
not equal to those entertained two hundred years later, yet, the advanced
position which they took upon emigrating from the terrible restrictions placed
by their native country, upon the ideas which they did entertain, was and is
still, a marvel in itself; and it has proved already to be the germinating seed
which has been scattered to a joyful extent to nearly every nation under the
sun. Notwithstanding some odium of Blue Laws, the originating point of
liberty in its best applications, for two hundred and fifty years, has been the
State of Connecticut; and, among the very earliest prot6stants against
restrictions upon such freedom were found prominent planters at Stratford.
Darkness in the thought-world as well as in the physical, is only dispelled by
the incoming of light; and as light penetrates, the mental soil becomes prolific,
the same as the physical, and hence America has grown from its small beginnings
at the germ principles of mighty freedom, to its present marvelously grand
proportions of national liberty and government. In the history of the
world, nothing has ever half equaled this growth, nor the completeness, and
marvelous developments of national government and freedom.
Stratford began with a few families
; grew and prospered until it surpassed many of its neighbors and thereafter
sent forth an innumerable number of families to establish and replenish other
plantations in the exercise of the same energy and expanding thought that
marked its own early history, and which have secured for it a fame highly
honorable to any people. It was recognized first as an established plantation,
in 1639, although tradition reports that one family—William Judson—if not more,
settled here in the year 1638.
That it was settled by a number of inhabitants in 1639, is
evident not only from tradition, but from the following extracts from the
records of the General Court, October 10, 1639:' "And Mr. Governor [John
Haynes] and Mr. Wells [Thomas Wells, afterwards Governor] were intreated to
attend this service, [to view the plantation laid out by Mr. Ludlow], and they
are desired to confer with the planters at Pequannocke, to give them the oath
of fidelity, make such free as they see fit, order them to send one or two
deputies to the General Courts of September and April, and for deciding of
differences and controversies under 40', among them, to propound to them and
give them power to choose 7 men from among themselves, with liberty of appeal
to the Court here; as also to assign Sergent Nichols for the present to train
the men and exercise them in military discipline: and they are further desired
to speak with Mr. Prudden, and that plantation that the difference between them
and Pequannocke plantation may be peaceably decided, and to this end that
different men may be chosen to judge who have most right to the places in
controversy and most need of them, and accordingly determine as shall be most
agreeable to equity and reason."
According to this the plantation was settled so far as to
have men enough to be exercised in training, and so as to choose seven men as a
court for matters under 40' of value; and also there was a difference as to
boundaries between the two plantations, Stratford being called Pequannock; and
the Court sought to have them send deputies, as a township.
1 Col. Rec., i. 36.
This indicates that Mr. Blakeman and
his company had arrived from Wethersfield, for without them there would have
been too few to meet the supposition of the Court.
At this time the plantation is called Pequonnocke, by the
Court, and in June 1640, it is called Cupheag, and the same the next September,
and in April, 1643, it is called Stratford. The name therefore, must have been
changed between September, 1640, and April, 1643.
As to the name, Stratford, and how it became the name of
this locality, there are some interesting items. Hon. James Savage, author of a
Genealogical Dictionary, speaking of Thomas Alsop and his brother Joseph Alsop
at New Haven, says: " It may be that the father of these youth was that of
John Alsop, rated for a subsidy in 1598, to the same parish and at the same
time with William Shakespear, nor would it be very extravagant to suppose, that
he too went up to London from Stratford on Avon," and thence came to
America, and also to Stratford among the first settlers, perhaps in 1639, and
that through him the name was thought of and used. It has been suggested that
since Samuel Sherman, an early settler at Stratford, came from near Stratford,
Essex county, England, quite another place from that where Shakespear was born,
the place may have been named after this town in Essex by the suggestion of Mr.
Sherman; but it should be remembered that the Connecticut Stratford was so
named ten years or more before Samuel Sherman settled in it, and therefore he
had nothing to do with naming it.*
A company, it is said, was organized at Wethersfield with
Mr. Adam Blakeman as minister, for the purpose of settlement at Cupheag. Some
of this company were persons who had been connected in church relations with
Mr. Blakeman in England and had accompained him thither, and others joined him
at Wethersfield. Tradition says there were fourteen or fifteen in this company,
and it has appeared in print that there were seventeen, but it is impossible,
nowv
* See Biographical Sketch of Wm. Beardsley.
to fix the number.
Several of the first planters had grownup sons, over twenty-one years of age,
and if these were counted, the number, apparently, must have been over
seventeen.
The location at first
of quite a number of families in the southern part of the present village of
Stratford, near the site of the first meeting house, may indicate that they
came to the place at the same time and made their homes near each other for
better protection against the Indians.
It is also improbable
that a company of families with Mr. Blakeman as their minister, should come
from Wethersfield to settle at Stratford without some agreement or specific
understanding about the ownership of the land, as it was then not only under
the supervision of the Court, but claimed by it as conquered and ceded
territory. Hence we find in 1656 the General Court confirms the boundaries and
consequently the right of the soil to the inhabitants then residing here, in
these words: "This Court, at the request of Stratford, doe graunt that
their bounds shall be 12 myle northward, by Paugasitt River, if it be att the
dispose by right of this Jurisdiction;" and therefore the inhabitants then
in the town, some of them or all, were the owners of this territory, by
agreement with the Court.
All the proceedings of
the town, from the first record now remaining, are founded upon the implied
ownership by a company of first settlers. It appears by the records, and
tradition confirms the same, that about the year 1650 the records, then kept in
a private house, were accidentally burned, destroying every entry made from 1639
to that time, and then the claims of the settlers, most of them, were reentered
by the town clerk, as the parties described them and as was generally known to
be the facts. After this, when new parties came into the town, they were
granted a home lot of about two acres free, upon condition that they would
build upon and improve it for three years, after which they could sell it to
their own profit if they desired so to do. Hence most of the entries are dated
in 1651 or later; one land record bears the date of 1648, and one town meeting
act bears that of 1650.
If a definite
authoritative account or biographical sketch of each of these original first
settlers could be given, including the place of birth, social and civil
relations and a statement of the leading occurrences which drove them to
emigrate to this country, it would be a portion of history of much value as
well as of decided interest. We know in a general way the causes of this
emigration, but as to individuals we have no particulars except those of Mrs.
Mirable, the wife of John Thompson. In the absence of such information as we
would be delighted to obtain, we must be content with the few items which can
now be gleaned from the desolated and long neglected field.
The settlement of
Stratford was not made by a company organized for the purpose in England as was
the case with several other towns, but by individuals, in a kind of independent
or isolated way, except those who came in company with Mr. Blakeman. These seem
to have been more numerous than has been generally conceded. Of some of the
families settled here it is stated that they came direct from England, but as
no vessels landed at Stratford these must have come through Massachusetts, and
hence may have joined Mr. Blakeman's company at Wethersfield, or, under a
concert of arrangement, joined him at Stratford in the Spring of 1639. The fact
that there were a certain number of proprietors, or patentees, or owners of the
whole territory, necessarily requires concert of action under some specific agreement
with the General Court, and that, too, for some consideration of value, else
they could have had no right to the exclusion of others. These were 15, perhaps
17, and if any others came they were required to buy land of these 17,
individually or collectively, or receive it by gift from the town. Dr.
Trumbull's statements, for want of thoroughness of research as to the purchase
of the township of the natives, are so erroneous that his other statements may
be taken with some doubt, yet in regard to the coming of the first principal
settlers he may be nearly correct, for he probably obtained his information in
this particular from aged living persons who at that date would be likely to
retain the facts. He says:
" Mr. Fairchild,
who was a principal planter, and the first gentleman in the town vested with
civil authority,1 came directly from England. Mr.
John and Mr. William Curtiss and Mr. Samuel [should be Joseph] Hawley were from
Roxbury, and Mr. Joseph [should be William] Judson and Mr. Timothy [should be
William] Willcoxson from Concord in Massachusetts. These were the first
principal gentlemen in the town and church of Stratford. A few years after the
settlement commenced, Mr. John Birdseye removed from Milford and became a man
of eminence both in the town and church. There were also several of the chief
planters from Boston, and Mr. Samuel Wells, with his three sons, John, Thomas
and Samuel, from Wethersfield, Mr. Adam Blakeman, who had been episcopally
ordained in England, and a preacher of some note, first at Leicester and
afterwards in Derbyshire, was their minister, and one of the first planters. It
is said that he was followed by a number of the faithful into this
country, to whom he was so dear, that they said, in the language of Ruth, '
Intreat us not to leave thee, for whither thou goesl we will go; thy people
shall be our people, and thy God our God !' These, doubtless, collected about
him in this infant settlement."
Mr. John W. Barber,
writing in 1836, says:
" The first
settlers appear to have located themselves about one hundred and fifty rods
south of the Episcopal Church, the first chimney being erected near that spot;
it was taken down about two years since. The first burying ground was near that
spot. Mr. William Judson, one of the first settlers, came into Stratford in
1638. He lived at the southwest corner of Meetinghouse hill or green, in a
house constructed of stone. Mr. Abner Judson, his descendant, lives on the same
spot, in a house which has stood ono hundred and thirtcun years, and Is still
in good repair."
The fact, repeatedly
recorded, of the divisions of the common land proves that the town was owned by
a certain number of persons, who, as proprietors of the whole (and if so then
these persons obtained these shares or rights of the General Court which
claimed the ownership at the time), secured the same for some consideration or
stipulation, which was, probably, the simple fact of taking possession by
actual settlement by a certain number of inhabitants within a specified time; for
this was a method pursued in other towns at the time and soon after.
Common land, or
"the commons," was land not divided or disposed of;
"sequestered" was that given away, either for
public or private use, but generally for public ; "divisions" were a
certain number of acres surveyed to each and every proprietor, which sometimes
were measured into lots which were numbered and the numbers being put on paper
and into a hat or box were drawn out, one to each proprietor; this was called
drawing lots.
' This is an error according to the Conn. Col. Records, i.
53, "Genl. Court, June 15, 1640, ... It is so ordered that Mr. William
Hopkins of Cupheage be a commissioner to join with Mr. Ludlowe in all
Executions in their particular court or otherwise and is now sworn to that
purpose." This was for Cupheag and Uiicoway, before Mr. Fairchild was
elected magistrate.
The " Common
Field " was land for cultivation, owned by several or all of the
proprietors, and a fence made around the whole instead of each making a fence
around his own, for which latter work too much time would be required. There
.were two of these common fields. The first was constructed by making a fence
from the brook on the west side of Lit.tle Neck to the swamp west and then down
to the marsh, and thus shutting all the cattle and swine out into the forests
northward. When the present records begin this first common field is frequently
called the Old Field, and this name is still applied to a considerable part of
the territory immediately south of Stratford village.
The second common
field was made before the year 1648, since that is the date when Robert Rice
has land recorded as being in that field. This was called the New Field, and
was made by a fence running west across Claboard hill to what is now Buce's
brook or still further to Mill creek. This is indicated by a record made March
5, 1665-6, locating a part of the fence at the northeast corner of the field
and southward.4 This field was then reserved for a " winter field ;"
that is, the fence was kept up and gates closed in order to leave the corn and
stacks of hay and grain in that field secure from the cattle during the winter.
Some years the Old Field was kept for the same purpose—a " winter
field."4
A few years later,
that is before 1652, another field was constructed by a fence across the neck
about where Old Mill Green- now is, from Mill Creek to Pequannock River, which was called the " New Pasture," and afterwards the
southernpart of this field was called " New Pasture Point." About the
same time, perhaps a little earlier, another field was made up the Housatonic
river, called the " Oxe Pasture," which is frequently mentioned on
the records.
3" It was agreed at a lawful [town] meeting that the
New field shall be kept for a winter field the two following years and liberty
for a fence to be drawn along the swamp on the east side of Claboard Hill and
so down to the old swamp land to the creek."
4" Oct. 10, 1664. It was agreed that the Great Neck
shall be kept this year for a winter field."
It should be
remembered that these fields were largely without forests when the white
settlers first came. Probably the Old Field, and perhaps some part of the land
where Stratford village was located had been somewhat cultivated by the Indians
before the settlers came, at least it was largely cleared from forests, for if
it had not been, so few inhabitants could not have cleared it and laid out a
village with such regularity, to such an extent, as was done within four or
five years. For in 1639 or 1640 the principal company of settlers came from
Wethersfield, and in 1648 the village plot was all laid out, and, apparently,
had been for several years. The tradition is that they came on foot and
horseback, and forded the river to reach the west side, which seems almost if
not quite incredible since the depth of the river at present precludes a
supposition of fording it. The strong indications are that they came by boat,
and if they did not their household goods did, and were landed at the mouth of
Mack's creek, where they made their first tents or* huts, houses, and meeting
house, and afterwards laid out their village upon a very appropriate and
beautiful plan, and thus it remains today with but lew changes as to its
principal streets. When they had laid the highways they proceeded to make the
first division, which was a home lot, a piece of meadow, and a piece of upland
for planting; the home lot containing usually two and a half acres, and the
other pieces varying according to quality ; all distribution of lands being passed
by vote at the town meetings. When after planters came a grant of two and a
half acres was made to them free of cost upon condition that they should build
a dwelling upon it and improve it during three years, after which they could
keep it or sell it at their own pleasure. These grants were called " home
lots," but when a dwelling had been erected upon them they were called
" house lots."
The oldest date of
such a lot or of anything, now upon
record, is that of
Robert Rice's lands, Sept. 16, 1648; all previous to this having been lost or
destroyed ;—said to have been burned, probably by accident, they having been
kept in a private house.
It is quite certain
that dwellings were not builded upon every home lot granted, but in some cases
they were sold and united to other lots, as in the case of John Birdseye at the
south end of the village, who purchased several.
Running through the
New Field was a stream called Nesumpaw's Creek, and a portion of the territory
in the New Field was called Nesumpaws'; which title was first the name of an
Indian and applied to a tract of land on which his wigwam stood. The name is
spelled at first on the town records Nesingpaws or Neesingpaws, and later
Nesumpaws.
" Claboard Hill
" lay at the north of the New Field, a part of the hill being included in
that field.' Stony Brook Hill was afterwards called Old Mill Hill.
The Pequannock field
was constructed, probably, about 1655, for it had been sometime established
according to a town vote in January, 1661. It was on the Pequannock plain south
of Golden Hill, east of Fairfield bounds.
The Calf-pen plain or
Upper plain was north of, and, probably, included a part of, the Golden Hill
Reservation, as the Reservation was laid out in 1659. This plain was
established for young cattle very early, probably before 1650. This locality
was afterwards and even yet is known as Bull's head. It was here probably where
Richard Butler's swine were pastured when Nimrod " willfully killed some
of them," and a law suit followed, or at least was granted to follow, by
the Court.
The following is the
list of the owners of fence about the first common field, the fence being a
little over 353 rods in length, which if it surrounded the entire field
inclosed nearly fifty acres, but if it was a fence direct across the neck to
Fresh Pond it would have inclosed several hundred acres, or all of Great Neck
as well as Little Neck.
This list is without
date but must have been recorded before 1651, since William Burritt's name is
on it and he died that year.
" A nole of
every man's fence in the old field with what numbers and the several rods.
rods. feet. inch. i
Thomas Skidmore,—12 3 o
l John Wells 600
3 John Reader 10 g o
4 Adam Blakeman n 14 o
5 Richard Harvey 916
6 John Peacock 546
7 William Quenby, 400
8 Robert Rice 13 8 o
9 William Burritt, 546
10 Mr. Knell 546
11 John Pcatite, 10 9
o
12 John Brownsmayd,—
916
13 William
Wilcoxson,..i2 3 o
14 Richard Butler 690